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North Korean House of Cards

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system <strong>of</strong> socialism.” 273 For many Pyongyang-watchers, this latter revision validated<br />

the transformation in the hierarchy <strong>of</strong> power from Party-government-military that<br />

existed under Kim Il-sung to the current Party-military-government.<br />

As discussed earlier, the assumptions <strong>of</strong> this system, namely that the “Leader”<br />

(Suryong) would have years <strong>of</strong> grooming and preparation before assuming power,<br />

were dealt with through the creation <strong>of</strong> a regent system around Kim Jong-un. For<br />

nearly two years, this kept the system functioning as the young leader was educated on<br />

the finer points <strong>of</strong> governing a regime that has <strong>of</strong>ten been referred to as a “gangster<br />

state,” where power is highly dependent on securing and leveraging relationships.<br />

With the sudden purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek and the disappearance <strong>of</strong> Kim Kyong-hui,<br />

the Pyongyang-watching community was faced with fundamental questions: had<br />

the Suryong system been discarded? Was Kim Jong-un the Supreme Leader or<br />

nothing more than a puppet? The answers to these questions are fundamental to<br />

understanding the long-term stability <strong>of</strong> the regime.<br />

b. Has the Suryong System Collapsed?<br />

Within months <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek’s purge, a series <strong>of</strong> articles appeared in the<br />

defector-run media arguing that a coup had occurred inside the Hermit Kingdom. An<br />

alliance <strong>of</strong> anti-Jang forces headed by the KWP OGD had supposedly become the<br />

power behind the throne, making Kim Jong-un little more than a puppet. 274 If true,<br />

<strong>North</strong> Korea is no longer ruled by a single individual, but a collective group <strong>of</strong> leaders<br />

from different institutions, particularly the OGD, military, and internal security<br />

apparatus. This would spell the end <strong>of</strong> the Suryong system and have implications for<br />

how the regime is ruled.<br />

The KWP OGD undoubtedly could be considered a victor with the removal<br />

<strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek. There is a good deal <strong>of</strong> circumstantial evidence to suggest that the<br />

OGD and military were actively engaged in a political struggle with Jang Song-taek<br />

and the KWP Administrative Department in the final year <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-il’s life. In<br />

December 2011, the publication <strong>of</strong> the former OGD First Vice Director, and<br />

adversary <strong>of</strong> Jang, Ri Je-gang’s book, Reflecting the Times <strong>of</strong> Strengthening Purity <strong>of</strong><br />

the Revolutionary Organization, signaled to the larger leadership that the struggle that<br />

existed around the succession in the early 2000s had returned. The signals continued<br />

throughout 2012 with the idolization <strong>of</strong> Ko Yong-hui, Kim Jong-un’s mother and<br />

273 <strong>Korean</strong> Workers’ Party (KWP) Charter [Jo-seon ro-dong-dang gyu-yak], September 28, 2010, as<br />

published in <strong>North</strong> Korea Tech, January 22, 2011.<br />

274 “Exclusive: ‘Kim Jong-un is a Puppet’ in the Eyes <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Elite,” New Focus International,<br />

March 7, 2014.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

128

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