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North Korean House of Cards

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associate, these fortunes began to change. The Ministry became closely tied to<br />

the new Supreme Leader while the KPISF remained linked to Jang Song-taek.<br />

With the purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek and the collapse <strong>of</strong> the apartment building in<br />

Pyongyang, for which Choe Pu-il had to apologize, the MPS’s influence seemed<br />

to plummet. Choe Pu-il disappeared from public view and was rumored to have<br />

been purged. In mid-2015, however, the MPS has undergone a resurgence, at<br />

least in pr<strong>of</strong>ile. Choe Pu-il returned to the public eye and was even featured in<br />

photographs <strong>of</strong> a CMC meeting in which Kim Jong-un was dealing with the<br />

inter-<strong>Korean</strong> crisis following the landmine explosions on the DMZ. While the<br />

MPS is no longer at the center <strong>of</strong> a power vacuum within the internal security<br />

apparatus, its political influence within this apparatus continues to pale in<br />

comparison to the other security-based institutions.<br />

e. Military Security Command<br />

The MSC (Bo-wi Sa-ryeong-bu) is the counterintelligence and counterespionage<br />

organization within the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> military, responsible for internal security<br />

within the KPA. It actively seeks out elements that are corrupt, disloyal, or present<br />

a potential coup threat by conducting investigations, surveillance, and wiretapping<br />

<strong>of</strong> high-ranking general <strong>of</strong>ficers in their <strong>of</strong>fices and homes. 629 In addition, it has the<br />

authority to make arrests on evidence <strong>of</strong> criminal activity or political unreliability.<br />

<strong>North</strong> Korea’s police agencies cannot report to the government <strong>of</strong>fices they<br />

report on. The MSC, which reports <strong>of</strong>ficially to the MPAF up to the NDC, reported<br />

directly to Kim Jong-il in the past. This practice presumably continues under Kim<br />

Jong-un. It regularly produces reports on the ideological trends, friendships, and<br />

daily activities <strong>of</strong> general <strong>of</strong>ficers. The Minister <strong>of</strong> the People’s Armed Forces takes<br />

these reports, together with similar reports from the GPB, and forwards them to the<br />

Leader’s Personal Secretariat. These reports <strong>of</strong>ten provide the evidence upon which<br />

periodic purges <strong>of</strong> the armed forces are launched. On occasion, the MSC is tasked<br />

with special purpose, non-military investigations.<br />

Aside from its police function, the MSC’s mandate also extends to providing<br />

security for the Leader during his visits to military units, handling the residential<br />

registration for military <strong>of</strong>ficers and their families, and monitoring military and<br />

civilian movements along <strong>North</strong> Korea’s borders. Despite its broad mission and<br />

629 Atsushi Shimizu, An Overview <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Intelligence System: The Reality <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Enormous Apparatus that Supports the Dictatorship, op. cit. According to this source, for <strong>of</strong>ficers with the<br />

rank <strong>of</strong> major general or above, either their driver or senior deputy reports to the MSC.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

274

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