Hazard anticipation of young novice drivers - SWOV
Hazard anticipation of young novice drivers - SWOV
Hazard anticipation of young novice drivers - SWOV
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explicitly know the heuristic <strong>of</strong> the game. Bechara et al. (1994) called this<br />
prolonged drawing <strong>of</strong> cards from the high yielding decks that are<br />
disadvantageous on the long run, 'myopia for the future'. To some extent,<br />
adolescents have 'myopia for the future' too. This is to say that controlled for<br />
developmental changes in working memory, capacity or inductive reasoning,<br />
adolescents keep on turning cards from the decks with high payments, but<br />
also with high penalties for a longer period <strong>of</strong> time than adults (e.g. Crone &<br />
van der Molen, 2004). This myopia for the future <strong>of</strong> adolescents can be<br />
explained by the discrepancy between the late maturation <strong>of</strong> the PFC and the<br />
early maturation <strong>of</strong> the limbic system in adolescents (Casey et al., 2008) (see<br />
Section 2.3.1).<br />
The somatic marker hypothesis is not undisputed. Dunn, Dalgleish &<br />
Lawrence (2006) have presented an overview <strong>of</strong> the critical arguments and<br />
research results that undermine the claims <strong>of</strong> the somatic marker hypothesis.<br />
Most <strong>of</strong> the critical reviews refer to the Iowa Gambling Task. Bechara et al.<br />
(1997) found that healthy participants switched decks before they explicitly<br />
know why. However, Maia & McClelland (2004) found that healthy<br />
participants switched decks after they knew that the high-paying decks were<br />
disadvantageous. This implies that no gut feelings, evoked by somatic<br />
markers have to be involved in the switch in strategy. Moreover, patients<br />
with 'Pure Autonomic Failure' who are not able to send feedback to the<br />
viscera (and because <strong>of</strong> this in essence are not able to develop somatic<br />
markers), appeared to be able to switch decks as timely as healthy<br />
participants (Heims et al., 2004). Although Dunn et al. (2006) concluded that<br />
the somatic marker hypothesis needs revision, they did not reject the whole<br />
theory. According to them, the somatic marker hypothesis has been helpful<br />
in the identification <strong>of</strong> brain regions involved in decision-making, emotion<br />
and body-state representation, but the theory has fallen short in explaining<br />
how these entities exactly interact at the psychological level.<br />
<strong>Hazard</strong> <strong>anticipation</strong> in driving is different from risk <strong>anticipation</strong> in the<br />
Iowa Gambling Task. If for instance an experienced driver recognizes the<br />
possibility <strong>of</strong> oncoming traffic that he or she cannot see because <strong>of</strong> the lorry<br />
(see Figure 3.9) and still quickly turns left, this driver deliberately takes the<br />
risk <strong>of</strong> getting involved in a crash. If on the other hand this driver slowly<br />
turns left while looking to the right in <strong>anticipation</strong> <strong>of</strong> possible oncoming<br />
traffic, she or he will reach her or his destination only a few seconds later. In<br />
other words, when deliberately taking risks in traffic one can lose a lot and<br />
gain a little. In the Iowa Gambling Task, on the other hand one can lose some<br />
and gain a lot. Callan et al. (2009) did not measure increased activity in the<br />
VMPFC, but in the gyrus cinguli anterior instead, when experienced <strong>drivers</strong><br />
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