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The Future of Smallholder Farming in Eastern Africa - Uganda ...

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As alluded to earlier, <strong>in</strong>itial agricultural policy reforms focused on liberaliz<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

agricultural market and remov<strong>in</strong>g price controls for all agricultural commodities. <strong>The</strong><br />

government readily agreed to realign export crop prices to the world market prices, but<br />

reforms <strong>in</strong> the gra<strong>in</strong> market<strong>in</strong>g system proved difficult to implement (Ikiara, Juma, and<br />

Amadi 1993). Other reform proposals put forward <strong>in</strong>cluded decontrol and relaxation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

fertilizer import licens<strong>in</strong>g system, price decontrol, and removal <strong>of</strong> obstacles <strong>in</strong> the market<strong>in</strong>g<br />

and distribution system. <strong>The</strong> implementation record <strong>of</strong> policy reforms dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1980-1992<br />

period was poor and characterized by considerable <strong>of</strong>ficial ambiguity and covert and overt<br />

resistance (Ikiara, Juma, and Amadi 1993). While the government <strong>of</strong>ficially embraced<br />

agricultural and other economic reforms, it made only half-hearted efforts to implement them.<br />

For example, <strong>in</strong> gra<strong>in</strong> market<strong>in</strong>g, the reforms emphasized restructur<strong>in</strong>g the National Cereals<br />

and Produce Board (NCPB) to conf<strong>in</strong>e its role to the buyer and seller <strong>of</strong> last resort. <strong>The</strong><br />

government <strong>in</strong>sisted, however, on ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g some central regulation and control for food<br />

security reasons. As a result, there was an on-and-<strong>of</strong>f removal <strong>of</strong> controls until 1993, when<br />

the subsector was fully liberalized (albeit with the NCPB still <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> market<strong>in</strong>g<br />

alongside the private sector). To date, the role <strong>of</strong> the NCPB <strong>in</strong> the gra<strong>in</strong> sector rema<strong>in</strong>s<br />

unclear, and considerable confusion rema<strong>in</strong>s about the level <strong>of</strong> government <strong>in</strong>volvement.<br />

1.2 Organization <strong>of</strong> the Maize Market<strong>in</strong>g System<br />

Kenya’s maize market<strong>in</strong>g system has evolved considerably s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>dependence. With this<br />

evolution, the participation and roles <strong>of</strong> various market<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions have changed<br />

considerably. Today several types <strong>of</strong> market <strong>in</strong>termediaries exist. Figure 1 is a schematic<br />

representation <strong>of</strong> the maize market<strong>in</strong>g system show<strong>in</strong>g the various market<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>termediaries<br />

and the l<strong>in</strong>ks between them.<br />

Seven major categories <strong>of</strong> market <strong>in</strong>termediaries can be identified: assemblers or bulk<br />

builders, wholesalers, retailers, disassemblers or bulk breakers, posho millers, large-scale<br />

millers, and the NCPB. Another category <strong>of</strong> traders could be identified by the use <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>termediate means <strong>of</strong> transport (bicycles, oxcarts, donkeys, handcarts, and head load). <strong>The</strong>se<br />

agents also purchase and bulk maize at the farm level and deliver it to assemblers, retailers,<br />

and posho millers. In contrast to the current market<strong>in</strong>g organization, Schmidt (1979) noted<br />

that dur<strong>in</strong>g the era <strong>of</strong> market controls, the maize market<strong>in</strong>g system was separated <strong>in</strong>to two<br />

<strong>in</strong>terrelated subsystems. <strong>The</strong>re was the formal state market<strong>in</strong>g agency, which was subject to<br />

controls, and the <strong>in</strong>formal subsystem, which consisted <strong>of</strong> relatively small traders, ma<strong>in</strong>ly<br />

women, operat<strong>in</strong>g on a local level <strong>in</strong> the open-air markets where prices were not controlled.<br />

Other <strong>in</strong>termediaries identified by Schmidt (1979) <strong>in</strong>cluded the posho miller, large-scale<br />

millers, cooperatives, wholesalers, retail shops, and brewers.<br />

1.2.1 Characteristics <strong>of</strong> Maize Market Intermediaries<br />

1) Assemblers (bulk builders): Assemblers are usually the first commercial purchasers <strong>of</strong><br />

maize <strong>in</strong> the market<strong>in</strong>g cha<strong>in</strong>. <strong>The</strong>y usually beg<strong>in</strong> as farmers who graduate to the next<br />

stage <strong>in</strong> the system by bulk<strong>in</strong>g up surpluses <strong>of</strong> neighbor<strong>in</strong>g farmers to capture scale<br />

economies <strong>in</strong> transport to local markets. All they require to enter <strong>in</strong>to the maize<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>ess is to rent a stall or a shop, buy a weigh<strong>in</strong>g balance, and acquire a license<br />

from the county council. Assemblers buy maize from farmers, bodaboda (bicycle)<br />

traders, and donkey traders and then sell it to wholesalers, disassemblers, and<br />

retailers. Some assemblers, particularly <strong>in</strong> the surplus areas, act as purchas<strong>in</strong>g agents

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