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The Future of Smallholder Farming in Eastern Africa - Uganda ...

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than <strong>in</strong> Machakos. This is <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>of</strong> the unsophisticated social capital structures <strong>in</strong> Taita-<br />

Taveta, which motivates <strong>in</strong>dividuals to seek audience with persons they regard as<br />

authoritative, <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> meet<strong>in</strong>g with community or village members. In debates on local<br />

problems, the residents <strong>in</strong> Taita-Taveta seem to be more active. This may be <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>of</strong> the<br />

<strong>in</strong>tensity <strong>of</strong> the residents concern about problems, compared with Machakos. Alternatively it<br />

could mean that Taita-Taveta residents are more empowered to engage <strong>in</strong> actions on issues<br />

that they perceive have a bear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> their development. This is further reflected <strong>in</strong> the<br />

question on <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> village decisions, where close to 60 percent <strong>of</strong> the<br />

respondents <strong>in</strong>dicated that they do have some or a lot <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluence on decisions <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g<br />

improvement <strong>of</strong> their village. Moreover, <strong>in</strong> Taita-Taveta more than 80 percent <strong>of</strong> the<br />

respondents <strong>in</strong>dicated that the whole village participates <strong>in</strong> decid<strong>in</strong>g about a community<br />

project, compared with 56 percent <strong>in</strong> Machakos. In general, community participation as a<br />

source <strong>of</strong> development decisions is relatively well developed, which is an <strong>in</strong>dicator <strong>of</strong> local<br />

empowerment. Such a high level <strong>of</strong> participation could possibly be an outcome <strong>of</strong> social<br />

capital.<br />

Cognitive social capital<br />

Trust and solidarity are proxy variables that can be used to capture cognitive social capital<br />

and they are, most likely, self-re<strong>in</strong>forc<strong>in</strong>g. Trust operates when there is confidence <strong>in</strong> other<br />

agents, despite other uncerta<strong>in</strong>ties, risks, and the possibility for them to act opportunistically<br />

(Miszta 1996; Gambetta 1988). Trust can come from both generalized norms <strong>of</strong> morality and<br />

more personalized sources embedded <strong>in</strong> social networks. Regard<strong>in</strong>g trust and solidarity,<br />

various aspects can be discerned from Tables 4.6 and 4.7—as measured by the respondents’<br />

expectations about and experience with behavior that requires trust.<br />

Most respondents <strong>in</strong>dicated they would render help if a misfortune befell a member <strong>of</strong><br />

the community. This behavior is more pronounced <strong>in</strong> Machakos than <strong>in</strong> Taita-Taveta.<br />

Further, the perception <strong>of</strong> receiv<strong>in</strong>g assistance from members <strong>of</strong> the community or mutual<br />

assistance groups, or the family extend<strong>in</strong>g assistance to members <strong>of</strong> the community is more<br />

pronounced <strong>in</strong> Machakos than <strong>in</strong> Taita-Taveta, with about 89 percent <strong>in</strong> Machakos and 49<br />

percent <strong>in</strong> Taita-Taveta expect<strong>in</strong>g support and help from mutual groups.

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