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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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DOMESTIC INFLUENCES 85pean integration provided that <strong>the</strong> Union delivers political <strong>and</strong> economic resultsthat can no longer be produced using traditional national strategies <strong>and</strong> policies.Domestic support for <strong>the</strong> Union—<strong>and</strong> for development of <strong>the</strong> ESDP—is notbased primarily on commitment to a vision of an integrated Europe. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, itarises largely because being part of <strong>the</strong> Union (<strong>and</strong> having <strong>the</strong> ESDP) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>selective use of supranational policy making are seen to provide substantial‘output’ benefits.Never<strong>the</strong>less, EU members also have to accept that EU participation will leadto <strong>the</strong> transformation of <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> nation state in those policy areas where<strong>the</strong> Union has competences. Popular support for <strong>the</strong> Union—according toperformance fusion—is output related. Citizens accept perceived reductions innational autonomy provided that such constraints are balanced by benefitsderiving from membership of <strong>the</strong> Union. If <strong>the</strong>se are not delivered, <strong>the</strong>y mayquestion <strong>the</strong> advantages of <strong>European</strong> integration in general <strong>and</strong> of developing<strong>the</strong> ESDP in particular.<strong>The</strong> Union’s future success becomes an infused part of a state’s nationalinterest. Consequently, domestic actors have a stake in ensuring that <strong>the</strong> Unionsucceeds in <strong>the</strong> future, in order to enhance domestic policy outcomes, even ifthis meanwhile affects <strong>and</strong> complicates daily politics back home.Turning specifically to <strong>the</strong> ESDP, <strong>and</strong> regardless of whe<strong>the</strong>r any given<strong>Nordic</strong> country is a non-aligned or a NATO EU member, domestic actors prefer<strong>the</strong>ir governments to be actively involved in <strong>European</strong> security issues with anemphasis on achieving a concrete performance output <strong>and</strong> contribution to <strong>European</strong>security operations <strong>and</strong> frameworks. At a ra<strong>the</strong>r simplistic level, <strong>the</strong> preferredoutput remains <strong>the</strong> avoidance of <strong>Nordic</strong> involvement in <strong>European</strong> wars.Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>ir country is non-aligned or a NATO member, <strong>the</strong> ‘soft security’<strong>and</strong> internationalist preferences of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> populations have at <strong>the</strong>ir heart adesire for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> region to remain a ‘zone of peace’. 12 Thus, <strong>the</strong> ESDP isjudged against general criteria that gauge its success in conflict prevention, bothclose to home in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> region <strong>and</strong> around <strong>the</strong> Baltic Sea <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> widerborders of <strong>the</strong> Union.<strong>The</strong>re are three more specific performance-related outputs that reflectcommon <strong>Nordic</strong> preferences among domestic actors. First, performance fusionimplies that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> populations will show a special interest in foreignpolicy actions that enhance crisis management, since this is often regarded as<strong>the</strong> key to wider regional peace <strong>and</strong> stability. <strong>Nordic</strong> domestic actors haveconsistently focused on <strong>the</strong> practical mechanisms for achieving crisis management,while still showing a strong identification with <strong>the</strong> traditional foreignpolicy orientation—be it non-alignment or Atlanticism—of <strong>the</strong> country concerned.This should be reflected in a habitual focus by <strong>Nordic</strong> domestic actorson delivering crisis management effectively. Second, <strong>the</strong>re is a widespread<strong>Nordic</strong> view that crisis management functions should not be exclusively ‘West-12 Archer, C., ‘Introduction’, eds C. Archer <strong>and</strong> P. Joenniemi, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> Peace (Ashgate: Aldershot,2003), pp. 1–23.

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