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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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158 NATIONAL DEFENCE AND EUROPEAN COOPERATIONnecessarily equate to individual conviction, especially in defence matters. Oneexample might be <strong>the</strong> large amount of stabilization aid given to <strong>the</strong> Baltic statesin <strong>the</strong> 1990s. It may be possible to talk about a collective <strong>Nordic</strong> impressionbeing made on <strong>the</strong> future of <strong>the</strong>se countries, but it is doubtful whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><strong>Nordic</strong> effort can be understood as collective. <strong>The</strong> Danish position on <strong>the</strong> Balticstates was expressed through donations en bloc, while <strong>the</strong> Swedish support wasmore tangible, in <strong>the</strong> shape of equipment for rifle battalions in each of <strong>the</strong> threecountries. 34 Overall, <strong>the</strong> Baltic countries have been streng<strong>the</strong>ned by Norden, butonly via a coincidence of <strong>the</strong> individual contributions.Whatever <strong>the</strong> answer to <strong>the</strong> above questions, <strong>the</strong> shift between what was <strong>and</strong>what is makes <strong>the</strong> question of history, as well as those of resources <strong>and</strong> politics,35 a relevant factor in considering alternative methods of <strong>Nordic</strong> cooperation.A comparison with how Norden has functioned previously may shed some lighton, or even influence, <strong>the</strong> way Norden could be today. From <strong>the</strong> above it couldbe concluded that <strong>the</strong> avenues of cooperation have not been closed down, butfor <strong>the</strong> time being <strong>the</strong>y appear to be empty of travellers, so that ‘what mightonce have been <strong>Nordic</strong> is hardly distinguishable from what may today be <strong>European</strong>’.36PoliticsTurning to <strong>the</strong> political framework, <strong>the</strong> next step is to find out what influence<strong>the</strong> lattice of UN membership <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> varying memberships of NATO <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>EU actually has on <strong>the</strong> alternative <strong>Nordic</strong> forms of defence cooperation. 37 All<strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries are members of <strong>the</strong> UN <strong>and</strong> three—Denmark, Sweden <strong>and</strong>Finl<strong>and</strong>—are members of <strong>the</strong> EU. Norway is not a member of <strong>the</strong> EU <strong>and</strong> Denmarkis not involved in its military aspects. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, Denmark <strong>and</strong>Norway are members of NATO, while Finl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Sweden are not. This institutionallattice has many o<strong>the</strong>r complexities, 38 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> task here is to underst<strong>and</strong><strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>and</strong> pitfalls for alternative <strong>Nordic</strong> frameworks within it.<strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries still maintain a significant profile as global peace activiststhrough <strong>the</strong> UN. 39 However, <strong>the</strong> EU is steadily becoming a more integrated<strong>and</strong> thus forceful player in this forum, <strong>and</strong> it is increasingly seen as <strong>the</strong> mainforce acting in concert with allies such as <strong>the</strong> USA in areas of common interest34 Danish Ministry of Finance, ‘Kapitel 1. Generelle retningslinier for sektorprogrammer i Central- ogØsteuropa’ [Chapter 1. General guidelines for sector programmes in Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern Europe], Generelleretningslinier for sektorprogrammer i Central- og Østeuropa [General guidelines for sector programmesin Central <strong>and</strong> Eastern Europe] (Finansministeriet: Copenhagen, Sep. 1999), URL , pp. 5–14; <strong>and</strong> Swedish Armed Forces, ‘Departmentfor Baltic Support’, URL .35 See, e.g., Knutsen (note 9).36 Laatikainen (note 22), p. 435.37 <strong>The</strong> Danish defence opt-out is not covered here because <strong>the</strong> question at h<strong>and</strong> concerns <strong>the</strong> implicationsfor alternative frameworks, not involvement in <strong>the</strong> ESDP as such.38 See tables I.3 <strong>and</strong> I.4 in <strong>the</strong> introduction in this volume.39 Laatikainen (note 22), p. 411.

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