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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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3. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU–NATOrelationship: fur<strong>the</strong>r commentsGunilla HerolfI. Introduction<strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries have undergone a number of changes over <strong>the</strong> past15 years. Like all o<strong>the</strong>r countries in Europe, <strong>the</strong>y have been affected by <strong>the</strong> fallof <strong>the</strong> Berlin Wall. A predicament that <strong>the</strong>y share with all o<strong>the</strong>r smaller countriesis <strong>the</strong>ir limited possibilities to influence developments. To a great extent,<strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>ir policies have constituted reactions to events <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> policiesof larger states.All <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries retain <strong>the</strong> same institutional affiliation (in securityterms) that <strong>the</strong>y had during <strong>the</strong> cold war: this might surprise many, given <strong>the</strong>vast changes since 1989. In her chapter on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir role in<strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> North Atlantic TreatyOrganization, Teija Tiilikainen describes <strong>and</strong> analyses <strong>the</strong> way in which Denmark,Finl<strong>and</strong>, Norway <strong>and</strong> Sweden relate to <strong>the</strong> two now dominant Euro-Atlantic organizations. This chapter offers comments on a number of analyticalpoints made by Tiilikainen, but it also cites some additional factors <strong>and</strong> conclusionsthat may help to explain <strong>the</strong> past <strong>and</strong> present positions taken by <strong>the</strong>se fourcountries. <strong>The</strong> final section speculates on where future developments in <strong>the</strong> EU<strong>and</strong> NATO might take <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries.An important basis for <strong>the</strong> analysis in this chapter is <strong>the</strong> fact that, even after<strong>the</strong> cold war, <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> <strong>and</strong> world scenes have been characterized by dramaticevents <strong>and</strong> developments. This has meant that <strong>the</strong> two organizations infocus here—<strong>the</strong> EU <strong>and</strong> NATO—have undergone substantial change. It washardly to be foreseen in 1991–92, as <strong>the</strong> Swedish <strong>and</strong> Finnish applications formembership of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Community were submitted, that <strong>the</strong> EU wouldbecome such an important actor in <strong>the</strong> field of security. <strong>The</strong> events taking placein <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia turned all four countries under study into activeplayers in <strong>European</strong> crisis management, <strong>and</strong> this in turn had an immediate influenceon <strong>the</strong>ir own countries—a new experience for <strong>the</strong>m all. <strong>European</strong> securitythus became, in a totally new way, part of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries’ own nationalsecurity. <strong>The</strong> attacks on <strong>the</strong> USA on 11 September 2001 had a fur<strong>the</strong>r, hugeimpact on <strong>the</strong> security agenda, affecting all countries regardless of <strong>the</strong>ir institutionalaffiliation. Finally, <strong>the</strong> USA’s policy towards Iraq—developed outsideNATO <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> United Nations—has had a strong influence on perceptions ofcooperation in Europe.

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