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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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58 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLITICSlate on <strong>the</strong> changes that <strong>the</strong> St Malo process would bring to <strong>the</strong> EU, it soon hadto take a more active role as it became clear that <strong>the</strong> key structures resultingfrom <strong>the</strong> process were to be created during <strong>the</strong> Finnish Presidency of <strong>the</strong> EU in1999. <strong>The</strong> historical momentum that had emerged for <strong>the</strong> deepening of Europe<strong>and</strong>efence dictated a tempo to which a new member state like Finl<strong>and</strong>—inspite of its constructive <strong>and</strong> open position towards this process—had difficultiesin adapting itself. <strong>The</strong> flexibility of <strong>the</strong> Finnish position was thus concretelytested when <strong>the</strong> Cologne <strong>European</strong> Council in June 1999 invited <strong>the</strong> incomingFinnish EU Presidency to advance <strong>the</strong> creation of a military crisis managementsystem under EU leadership. 24 <strong>The</strong> results of <strong>the</strong> EU Helsinki Summit on15–16 December 1999—<strong>the</strong> decisions on <strong>the</strong> size <strong>and</strong> details of <strong>the</strong> EU’s crisismanagement forces <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> new military organization—were more farreachingthan Finl<strong>and</strong>’s national goals. <strong>The</strong>y were, however, subsequentlyaccepted by <strong>the</strong> Finnish Parliament without difficulty. 25Stimulated by <strong>the</strong> experiences of its presidency, Finl<strong>and</strong> supported <strong>the</strong> creationof crisis management institutions in <strong>the</strong> EU but—in order to safeguard <strong>the</strong>role of non-full members of WEU 26 —wanted to see <strong>the</strong>m as new institutionsra<strong>the</strong>r than as <strong>the</strong> simple reincarnation of WEU arrangements in an EU setting.So far as <strong>the</strong> EU’s capabilities in crisis management were concerned, Finl<strong>and</strong>wanted to see <strong>the</strong> construction of this capability placed more firmly on <strong>the</strong> basisof cooperation with NATO than <strong>the</strong> final Helsinki decision indicated. 27 As aresult of <strong>the</strong> St Malo process, a new type of reasoning emerged in officialdeclarations of Finnish security policy, where <strong>the</strong> EU’s military role for Finnishsecurity started to be firmly emphasized. This was stated in <strong>the</strong> following termsin <strong>the</strong> 2001 Finnish White Paper on security <strong>and</strong> defence policy:<strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union’s role has become increasingly important in <strong>the</strong> realization ofFinl<strong>and</strong>’s security interests <strong>and</strong> goals. Finl<strong>and</strong>’s participation in <strong>the</strong> EU’s common foreign<strong>and</strong> security policy complements <strong>and</strong> serves to fur<strong>the</strong>r develop of <strong>the</strong> country’snational security policy. By actively seeking to develop <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union’s commonforeign <strong>and</strong> security policy, Finl<strong>and</strong> is able to streng<strong>the</strong>n its influence in internationalaffairs <strong>and</strong> to fur<strong>the</strong>r its own security objectives.A strong Union based on solidarity will also benefit Finl<strong>and</strong>’s security situation <strong>and</strong>help to prevent <strong>the</strong> eruption of crises that may affect Finl<strong>and</strong>, as well as improve Fin-24 Council of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union, Presidency Conclusions, Cologne <strong>European</strong> Council, 3–4 June 1999,URL , paragraphs 55, 56.25 Raunio, T. <strong>and</strong> Tiilikainen, T., Finl<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union (Frank Cass: London, 2003), p. 134.26 In practice, only states that were members of both <strong>the</strong> EU <strong>and</strong> NATO were eligible to become fullmembers of <strong>the</strong> WEU. Austria, Finl<strong>and</strong>, Irel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Sweden (<strong>and</strong> Denmark, a NATO member) had <strong>the</strong>status of observer in <strong>the</strong> WEU, which was <strong>the</strong> third strongest status of 4 possible ones (member, associatemember, observer <strong>and</strong> associate partner).27 <strong>The</strong> critical formulation in <strong>the</strong> Presidency Conclusions of <strong>the</strong> Helsinki <strong>European</strong> Council of10–11 Dec. 1999 is: ‘<strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> Council underlines its determination to develop an autonomous capacityto take decisions <strong>and</strong>, where NATO as a whole is not engaged, to launch <strong>and</strong> conduct EU-led militaryoperations in response to international crises. This process will avoid unnecessary duplication <strong>and</strong>does not imply <strong>the</strong> creation of a <strong>European</strong> army.’ Council of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union, Presidency Conclusions,Helsinki <strong>European</strong> Council, 10–11 Dec. 1999, URL , paragraph 27.

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