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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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DOMESTIC INFLUENCES 79work. While it is debatable whe<strong>the</strong>r a ‘<strong>Nordic</strong> model’ ever existed or existstoday, specific aspects that are widely associated with it still form part of <strong>the</strong>popular terminology applied by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> populations to discussions of general<strong>European</strong> security questions. In addition, popular debates on <strong>the</strong> ESDP in<strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries share a similar starting assessment of <strong>the</strong> strategic changesaffecting nor<strong>the</strong>rn Europe: that with <strong>the</strong> fall of <strong>the</strong> Iron Curtain <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> dissolutionof <strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union, <strong>the</strong> main security issues forEurope have become less ‘hard’ <strong>and</strong> more fluid. <strong>Nordic</strong> security debates areconducted against a domestic undercurrent that favours broader ‘soft security’interpretations of <strong>the</strong> new security threats, to encompass not just crisis managementbut also areas such as public health, <strong>the</strong> environment, civil nuclear power<strong>and</strong> pollution. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> political elites, with <strong>the</strong> support of<strong>the</strong>ir domestic populations, are ‘believers in soft security’ <strong>and</strong> are accustomedto articulate arguments that do not restrict notions of <strong>European</strong> security topurely territorial or collective defence.In addition, <strong>the</strong> two categories have often displayed similar views on <strong>the</strong>merits of <strong>European</strong> integration. All three <strong>Nordic</strong> EU members—at both <strong>the</strong>political elite <strong>and</strong> public levels—resist <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> EU’s developing into afederal Europe. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> domestic backgrounds are dominated by astrong dose of ‘federo-scepticism’. 1 It is from this perspective also that <strong>Nordic</strong>viewpoints on <strong>the</strong> ESDP should be interpreted. In particular, <strong>the</strong> evolving ESDPshould not be construed as, or imply a direct integrative impetus towards, <strong>the</strong>constitutional establishment of a federal Europe. In <strong>the</strong> case of Finl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong>Sweden, this may lead <strong>the</strong> governments, with public support, to uphold <strong>the</strong>semblance of non-alignment as a bulwark against a federally inclined ESDP oragainst <strong>the</strong> Union becoming a collective defence organization like NATO. ForDenmark, ‘federo-scepticism’ has created a situation in which only an officialopt-out from <strong>the</strong> ESDP could solve <strong>the</strong> problem.<strong>The</strong> two categories are also faced with similar security challenges affectingnot just <strong>the</strong>se <strong>Nordic</strong> countries but <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>European</strong> continent. To <strong>the</strong> eastlies <strong>the</strong> challenge of maintaining good relations with Russia <strong>and</strong>, in more recenttimes, <strong>the</strong> EU’s pressing challenge of how to engage Russia in managing <strong>the</strong>wide-ranging ‘soft security’ questions emanating from <strong>the</strong> Russian exclave ofKaliningrad. Finnish popular security debates, for example, often express publicconcerns about a potentially unstable Russia. To <strong>the</strong> west, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countriesface <strong>the</strong> implications of <strong>the</strong> events of 11 September 2001, <strong>the</strong> ‘war on terrorism’,<strong>and</strong> a more assertive US foreign policy under President George W. Bushthat dem<strong>and</strong>s more forthright responses from <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> allies <strong>and</strong> partnersof <strong>the</strong> USA. 2 In addition, all—irrespective of whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are NATO members1 Miles, L., ‘Sweden in <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union: changing expectations?’, Journal of <strong>European</strong> Integration,vol. 23, no. 4 (Dec. 2001), pp. 303–33.2 Forsberg, T., ‘September 11 as a challenge to underst<strong>and</strong>ing transatlantic relations: <strong>the</strong> case ofSweden <strong>and</strong> Finl<strong>and</strong>’, ed. B. Sundelius, <strong>The</strong> Consequences of September 11: A Symposium on <strong>the</strong> Implicationsfor <strong>the</strong> Study of International Relations (Swedish Institute of International Affairs: Stockholm,2002), pp. 151–62.

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