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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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266 THE BROADER DIMENSIONS OF SECURITYoften found <strong>the</strong>ir positions coinciding when <strong>the</strong>y have pressed for positive proarmscontrol developments in EU common policies, ra<strong>the</strong>r as <strong>the</strong>y madecommon cause at key points in <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> <strong>Security</strong> <strong>and</strong><strong>Defence</strong> <strong>Policy</strong>. <strong>The</strong>ir underlying motivations <strong>and</strong> priorities have, however,remained somewhat different. Sweden has frequently reclaimed its freedom toadopt more ambitious <strong>and</strong> idealistic positions outside <strong>the</strong> EU framework, whileFinl<strong>and</strong> has preferred to stay within (or, indeed, help consolidate) <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong>mainstream. Moreover, while <strong>the</strong> three <strong>Nordic</strong> EU members now have a practiceof regular top-level consultations before <strong>European</strong> Council meetings, <strong>the</strong>reis no evidence of this leading to joint positions à trois on WMD issues. Ra<strong>the</strong>r,<strong>the</strong>re is reason to believe that <strong>the</strong> discussions of <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong>se three countrieson security-related matters often turn on how to minimize <strong>the</strong> fallout fromirreducible <strong>Nordic</strong> differences.Last, but not least, have <strong>Nordic</strong> values <strong>and</strong> objectives influenced EU policies?In <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> EU’s 2003 WMD strategy 50 <strong>and</strong> its follow-up <strong>the</strong> answer isclearly ‘Yes’, <strong>and</strong> in many o<strong>the</strong>r instances Finnish <strong>and</strong> Swedish inputs havehelped to goad <strong>the</strong> EU into maintaining a positive <strong>and</strong> proactive role on armscontrol <strong>and</strong> proliferation-related issues. <strong>The</strong>re are fur<strong>the</strong>r openings for <strong>the</strong>m toplay <strong>the</strong>ir role as <strong>the</strong> EU starts to plan for <strong>the</strong> next phase of development of <strong>the</strong>WMD strategy <strong>and</strong> its associated funding in <strong>the</strong> medium-term budget periodfrom 2007 to 2012. <strong>The</strong> limiting factor on <strong>Nordic</strong> influence is simply that ‘<strong>the</strong>smaller states propose, <strong>the</strong> larger dispose’, particularly on an issue as sensitivewithin <strong>the</strong> EU’s membership as <strong>the</strong> possession of nuclear weapons. <strong>The</strong>interesting question for Sweden, in particular, will be how long <strong>the</strong> limitedambit of collective EU policies will leave it free to promote its own higher-principledviews outside <strong>the</strong>m. Nei<strong>the</strong>r large nor small states in <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Unioncan ultimately escape from <strong>the</strong> logic that <strong>the</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>ning of common positionsis bought at <strong>the</strong> price of national particularities.50 Council of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union (note 32).

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