The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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202 THE BROADER DIMENSIONS OF SECURITYunderpinned by the threat or use of military force. Nonetheless, this developmentand these special characteristics of the EU are in themselves important forunderstanding the way in which the Nordic countries have adapted to, andrecently also fully embraced, this new international actor.III. Adapting to the EU frameworkIt is often argued that the states that joined the EU after the first enlargement, in1973, have held a weak and superficial view of the political logic surroundingthe EU process, and it appears that no state has joined the Union primarilybecause of its role in international security management. Applicant states havetypically discussed EU membership essentially in terms of economic rewards.This was certainly true for Denmark in the early 1970s and for Finland andSweden in the early 1990s. While these small, trade-dependent states saw variouseconomic benefits from joining the EU, they saw few explicit benefits fromforeign policy cooperation. Rather, their perceptions of their role in internationalpeace-building activities were characterized, as some have put it, by a‘small-power syndrome’. 5 Ole Wæver’s analysis in the early 1990s—that‘Danes tend to think more as critics of power and assume that power is somethingothers have’—would certainly also hold for Finland and Sweden at thattime. 6 The possibility of becoming a member of a larger, and potentially verypowerful, political actor was difficult for Denmark to consider, impossible forSweden to consider and at most rarely discussed in Finland. The strong traditionsand perceived value of ‘independent’ and active small-power strategies toaffect the international debate during the cold war made it particularly difficultfor these three states to see themselves as components of a larger collective.However, all three governments’ perceptions of the benefits of the EU’sexternal peace-building role, as well as their own roles within this policy area,have changed dramatically over the past decade or so. Denmark, Finland andSweden have all adapted and ‘internalized’ the EU’s global role in their ownforeign and security policies, and all three countries are now strong and activesupporters of the CFSP and the ESDP. This trend is highly visible, for instance,in the three governments’ statements about the importance of this policy area.For example, speaking about the ESDP, the Danish Minister for ForeignAffairs, Per Stig Møller, has argued that a ‘close and committing cooperation inEurope is, for a smaller country like Denmark, a truly vital interest’. 7 His Finnishcounterpart, Erkki Tuomioja, similarly argues that ‘Finland’s membership5 On Denmark see Due-Nielsen, C. and Petersen, N., ‘Denmark’s foreign policy since 1967: an introduction’,eds C. Due-Nielsen and N. Petersen, Adaptation & Activism: The Foreign Policy of Denmark1967–1993 (Dansk Udenrigspolitisk Institut: Copenhagen, 1995), p. 25.6 Wæver, O., ‘Danish dilemmas: foreign policy choices for the 21st century’, eds Due-Nielsen andPetersen (note 5), p. 279.7 Danish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, ‘Udenrigsminister Per Stig Møllers tale ved DIIS-seminar i EigtvedsPakhus torsdag den 16. September’ [Foreign Minister Per Stig Møller’s speach at DIIS seminar inEigtveds Pakhus Thursday 16 September], 16 Sep. 2004, URL (author’s translation).
STARTING TO ‘THINK BIG’ 203of the European Union is today the crucial departure point underpinning ourposition on security policy’, 8 and their Swedish counterpart, Laila Freivalds, hasrepeatedly pointed out that ‘the European Union is, alongside the UN, our mostimportant foreign and security policy forum’. 9Furthermore, the three Nordic EU member states—Denmark, Finland andSweden—are no longer satisfied with the status of the EU’s capacity to contributeto international security management. They wish to see a further strengtheningand widening of the EU’s role in terms of both the instruments used by theEU and the geographical reach of its peace-building activities. Having traditionallyheavily emphasized ‘soft-power means’, today these three countriescall for the increased use of hard-power strategies and instruments as a lastresort. They all argue in favour of a comprehensive EU arsenal of peacebuildinginstruments, ranging from conflict-prevention strategies and softpowerinstruments to a better capacity to carry out peacekeeping and peaceenforcementmissions.The Danish Government, for instance, wants to ensure that the ‘EU adopts amore consistent policy and confronts regimes that violate fundamental internationalnorms’. 10 Despite Denmark’s formal opt-out from the ESDP, thegovernment argues that: ‘The EU must be able to act also in a more robust wayto create stability and prosperity in regions stricken by armed conflict.’ 11 Similarly,the Finnish and Swedish foreign ministers argue that ‘the EU must havethe capacity to carry out all types of tasks . . . including the very complex anddemanding ones’. 12 Furthermore, all three governments believe that the EU’speace-building role should not be limited to providing peace in Europe, but thatthe Union’s contributions to global security should be strengthened, by usingthe EU’s instruments ‘wherever needed’. 13It is highly unlikely—even unthinkable—that many of these statements couldhave emanated from the three Nordic EU members a decade ago. The threegovernments have moved away from a previously somewhat downbeat imageof their own possibilities to envisage wielding a comprehensive mix of bothsoft- and hard-power instruments in order to influence issues related to conflicts8 Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, ‘Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja: The EU is the most importantfactor in Finland’s security and defence policy’, Speech at the Finnish Committee for European Securityseminar, Lohja, 20 Aug. 2004, URL .9 Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, ‘Utrikesminister Laila Freivalds tal vid Folk och Försvars rikskonferensi Sälen’ [Foreign Minister Laila Freivalds’ speech at the Folk och Försvar national conferencein Sälen], 19 Jan. 2004, URL (author’s translation).10 Danish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, A Changing World: The Government’s Vision for New Prioritiesin Denmark’s Foreign Policy (Udenrigsministeriet: Copenhagen, June 2003), URL , p. 24.11 Møller, P. S., Danish Minister for Foreign Affairs, ‘The need for a strong global role for the EU’,Speech at the conference on Global Challenges to the EU, Copenhagen, 23 Mar. 2004, URL .12 Freivalds, L. and Toumioja, E., ‘Vi vill stärka EU:s säkerhetspolitik’ [We want to strengthen theEU’s security policy], Dagens Nyheter, 11 Nov. 2003 (author’s translation).13 On Denmark see Danish Ministry for Foreign Affairs (note 10); and on Finland and Sweden seeFreivalds and Toumioja (note 12).
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THE NORDICCOUNTRIES ANDTHE EUROPEAN
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Alyson J. K. Bailes (United Kingdom
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The Nordic Countries andthe Europea
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The Nordic Countries andthe Europea
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ContentsPrefacexiiAbbreviations and
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CONTENTSII. The European security c
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CONTENTSII. The small arms and ligh
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CONTENTSII. Iceland and the emergen
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PREFACEThe conference on the Nordic
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2 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESDP
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10 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESD
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Editor’s remarksGunilla HerolfPar
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 31which the vari
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 33mark as well s
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 35The Europeaniz
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1. Denmark and the European Securit
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 39European def
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 41safely leave
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 43motions to t
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 45effective
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 47connected an
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52 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLIT
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100 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLI
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Part IINational defence and Europea
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114 THE BROADER DIMENSIONS OF SECUR
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6. The impact of EU capability targ
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CAPABILITY TARGETS AND OPERATIONAL
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7. The impact of EU capability targ
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 143Government ha
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 145immediate reg
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 147SAF Headquart
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 149the navy will
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Page 201 and 202: HARDWARE POLITICS 183Nordic armamen
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Page 211: Part IIINordic handling of the broa
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14. Nordic nuclear non-proliferatio
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16. Muddling through: how the EU is
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Editor’s remarksAlyson J. K. Bail
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302 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES, THEIR REG
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20. Iceland and the European Securi
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22. The Baltic states and security
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23. Baltic perspectives on the Euro
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AppendixExtracts from the Treaty Es
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ments, to promote measures to satis
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(c) strengthening systematic cooper
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Article III-303The Union may conclu
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shall carry out its tasks in liaiso
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EU CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY 403enhance
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 405ning, Det 21.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 407Karlis Neretni
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 409her publicatio
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INDEX 411Atlanticism 364banking 357
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INDEX 413Kosovo and 45Left Socialis
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INDEX 415Counter-Terrorism Coordina
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attle group 154, 181Central Union o
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INDEX 419Iceland Defense Force 328,
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INDEX 421Washington Declaration (19
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INDEX 423NPT (Non-Proliferation Tre
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ESDP and 12, 16, 19, 24, 54-55, 59,
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INDEX 427Vienna Documents 236Viking
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