The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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346 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES, THEIR REGION AND EUROPEcome to each other’s aid with all necessary means in the event of terroriststrikes on their territory. 77 The continually enhanced scope and depth of ESDPas such, and the conceptual tightening up and deepening of other areas of EUsecurity policy such as the new Strategy against Proliferation of Weapons ofMass Destruction, 78 offer means that are not inferior but rather different in kindto those of NATO for protecting and promoting Europe’s security interests andits goals and values in the wider world. In short, the EU already offers aremarkably full menu of ‘soft’ security protection to its members in their ownhomelands; it has ‘hard’ (military) as well as unusually strong ‘soft’ instrumentsat its disposal for promoting its members’ interests abroad; and—manywould say—it is moving down a slippery slope towards providing full formalterritorial guarantees, even if it still falls well short of a credible ‘alliance’ atpresent. Even without a positive wish to enhance its defence role, the EU mightfind itself drawn into taking greater responsibility for the all-round security ofits members as a consequence of NATO’s gradual retreat from a territorialdefence function, combined with the sheer expanse of the EU’s new territory(following the ‘big bang’ enlargement of May 2004) and the challenging securitydimensions of its relationships with ‘new neighbours’ on every front. 79Of all the states in Europe, Iceland perhaps has the strongest internal barriersto recognition of these factors and the fundamental policy change needed toadapt to them. As noted above, pro-USA and anti-EU sentiments are deeplyingrained in the political mainstream, linked with concepts of nationalindependence and with the defence of Iceland’s fisheries (which is seen as animportant component of security in itself). Membership of the Schengen systemand the EEA already gives Iceland ‘soft security’ cover from those areas of EUcompetence that are of direct relevance to the country, whereas (for reasonsexplained above) it is not much of a customer for the other security-relatedservices that the EU can offer. Also relevant is the Icelandic tendency, so far, tothink of national security and deterrence in extremely concrete, military terms:thus, when threatened with withdrawal of the US F-15s in 2003, some Icelandicofficials speculated about whether similar aircraft might be provided by friendlyEuropean states such as Germany or the UK. This is not a currency in which theEU, as such, is ever likely to be able to satisfy Iceland’s wants.Nevertheless, a growing number of leading Icelandic politicians, particularlyin the ranks of the Social Democratic Alliance, argue that by joining the EU andadopting its security and defence policy Iceland could go some way to solvingthe problem of diminishing US military interest in the country. This seems alsoto be the view of the conservative Minister for Justice, Björn Bjarnason, who isthe main specialist on defence and security within the Independence Party. He77 Council of the European Union, ‘Declaration on combating terrorism’, Brussels, 25 Mar. 2004, URL.78 Council of the European Union, ‘EU Strategy against Proliferation of Weapons of MassDestruction’, Brussels, 12 Dec. 2003, URL .79 Bailes, A. J. K., ‘How collective is our defence?’, Sicherheit und Frieden—Security and Peace,vol. 23, no. 2 (2005), pp. 90–95.
ICELAND AND THE ESDP 347stated that if the partnership between the USA and Iceland were to breakdown—as it was on the brink of doing in 2003—it would be necessary for Iceland‘both to take radical measures regarding security and also to formulate anew policy on Europe’. 80 At the same time, he stressed that the CFSP and theESDP cannot in any way replace the enormous security benefits that areguaranteed to Iceland by the Defense Agreement with the USA and Iceland’smembership of NATO. 81 This opinion is shared by an overwhelming majoritywithin the governing parties, and as long as the Defense Agreement stays inplace and the USA maintains a ‘credible’ (in the eyes of the Icelandic Government)defence force in Iceland, there is little sign that this will change. On theother hand, the leaders of the Social Democratic Alliance are increasinglypointing to the option of joining the CFSP and the ESDP on the somewhatdifferent grounds that this will offer Iceland ‘soft’ as well as ‘hard’ security.They will undoubtedly try to convince the Progressive Party to join them in thiseffort after the next general election (which will take place no later than May2007).Halldór Ásgrímsson, leader of the agrarian Progressive Party, has been PrimeMinister since September 2004, when he swapped his position as Minister forForeign affairs with Oddsson, leader of the Independence Party. Oddssonstepped down in September–October 2005 as both party leader and ForeignMinister; Geir Haarde has taken over both these posts. There seems to be asharp contrast between the opinions of Ásgrímsson and Haarde on the EU ingeneral, and they disagree on whether Iceland should seriously consider thepossibility of joining the Union. On the one hand—as noted above—Oddsson’spolicy has prevailed for the past 15 years in maintaining the government’sdecision not to apply for EU membership. As Foreign Minister, Ásgrímssonrepeatedly tried to put EU membership on the agenda by producing detailedreports on Iceland’s position in Europe, but Oddsson had such a strong positionwithin his party that his leadership and policy stance were not open to question.As reflected in Haarde’s attitude, the Oddsson line on the EU question is likelyto prevail for some time longer in his party and in the present government. TheIndependence Party, under Oddsson’s leadership, has been strongly pro-US—itcould even be said that it has been pro-Bush—as reflected by the government’sdecision in 2003 to put Iceland on the list of the coalition of the willing for thewar in Iraq, and Haarde as the new party leader is expected to maintain thisstand. On the other hand, Oddsson’s phased withdrawal from politics maychange the political landscape in Iceland in the longer run. His departure opensup the possibility of a debate on the EU within the Independence Party andmight ultimately lead to a change in the party’s own stand against EU membership,opening the possibility of a conservative pro-European government.80 Bjarnason, B., Í hita kalda strísins [In the heat of the cold war] (Nja bókaforlagi: Reykjavík,2001), p. 316 (authors’ translation).81 See, e.g., Bjarnason, B., ‘Rússar berjast: varnarsamstarf Evrópu’ [Russians fight: European defencecooperation], 28 Nov. 1999, .
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THE NORDICCOUNTRIES ANDTHE EUROPEAN
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Alyson J. K. Bailes (United Kingdom
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The Nordic Countries andthe Europea
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The Nordic Countries andthe Europea
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ContentsPrefacexiiAbbreviations and
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CONTENTSII. The European security c
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CONTENTSII. The small arms and ligh
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CONTENTSII. Iceland and the emergen
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PREFACEThe conference on the Nordic
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2 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESDP
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10 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESD
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Editor’s remarksGunilla HerolfPar
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 31which the vari
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 33mark as well s
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EDITOR’S REMARKS 35The Europeaniz
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1. Denmark and the European Securit
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 39European def
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 41safely leave
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 43motions to t
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 45effective
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DENMARK AND THE ESDP 47connected an
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52 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLIT
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100 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLI
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Part IINational defence and Europea
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114 THE BROADER DIMENSIONS OF SECUR
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6. The impact of EU capability targ
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CAPABILITY TARGETS AND OPERATIONAL
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7. The impact of EU capability targ
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 143Government ha
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 145immediate reg
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 147SAF Headquart
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 149the navy will
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‘NOT ONLY, BUT ALSO NORDIC’ 151
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9. Hardware politics, ‘hard polit
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HARDWARE POLITICS 169Sweden’s sec
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HARDWARE POLITICS 171the exploitati
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HARDWARE POLITICS 173share of Finla
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HARDWARE POLITICS 175and procuremen
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HARDWARE POLITICS 177of internation
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HARDWARE POLITICS 179reluctant to a
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HARDWARE POLITICS 181EU ambitions a
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HARDWARE POLITICS 183Nordic armamen
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10. The Nordic attitude to and role
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DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL COLLABORATION 18
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Part IIINordic handling of the broa
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13. The Nordic countries and conven
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14. Nordic nuclear non-proliferatio
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16. Muddling through: how the EU is
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Page 411 and 412: AppendixExtracts from the Treaty Es
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(c) strengthening systematic cooper
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Article III-303The Union may conclu
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shall carry out its tasks in liaiso
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EU CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY 403enhance
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 405ning, Det 21.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 407Karlis Neretni
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 409her publicatio
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INDEX 411Atlanticism 364banking 357
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INDEX 413Kosovo and 45Left Socialis
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INDEX 415Counter-Terrorism Coordina
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attle group 154, 181Central Union o
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INDEX 419Iceland Defense Force 328,
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INDEX 421Washington Declaration (19
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INDEX 423NPT (Non-Proliferation Tre
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ESDP and 12, 16, 19, 24, 54-55, 59,
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INDEX 427Vienna Documents 236Viking
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