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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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‘THE HIGHER CAUSE OF PEACE’ 227between Moratinos’s team <strong>and</strong> Solana’s bureau, particularly when it came tosharing information. <strong>The</strong> lack of coherence persisted, <strong>and</strong> as a result people in<strong>the</strong> Middle East, especially in Israel, became more sceptical about what <strong>the</strong> EUcould achieve outside its economic functions. 38Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> EU has not been an impartial mediator. EU declarationsconcerning <strong>the</strong> Middle East conflict have reflected <strong>the</strong> general <strong>European</strong> attitudethat <strong>the</strong> Palestinians are <strong>the</strong> underdog, if not completely innocent. In thisview, <strong>the</strong> Palestinians have been relatively powerless in <strong>the</strong> face of prolongedoccupation, economic deprivation <strong>and</strong> Israel’s excessive use of force. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<strong>the</strong> EU has emphasized <strong>the</strong> importance of good relations with <strong>the</strong> Arabworld. Israel has repeatedly expressed its doubts about <strong>European</strong>s’ impartiality,especially in <strong>the</strong> context of French interventions. It has argued that <strong>the</strong> EU isbiased <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore not an acceptable partner for political dialogue. 39 <strong>The</strong>oreticalviews on <strong>the</strong> importance of impartiality for mediation success are divided.According to some scholars, mediator impartiality is necessary for disputants tohave confidence in <strong>the</strong> mediator, <strong>and</strong> hence for his or her acceptability, whichin turn is essential for success in mediation. 40 For o<strong>the</strong>rs, partial mediators cansucceed regardless of <strong>the</strong>ir bias. <strong>The</strong>y can persuade protagonists by usingcarrots <strong>and</strong> sticks to achieve a settlement. 41 <strong>The</strong> EU has not had many carrots<strong>and</strong> sticks to offer <strong>and</strong> use in <strong>the</strong> Middle East: this lack of means has perhapsbeen <strong>the</strong> major obstacle to its credibility, <strong>and</strong> possibly also its efficiency. 42<strong>The</strong> experience of scholars <strong>and</strong> practitioners working with alternative disputeresolution suggests that official third-party mediation is seldom successful in<strong>the</strong> context of post-Clausewitzean conflicts. <strong>The</strong> number of actors, including avariety of non-state actors, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex nature of issues involved make itdifficult for traditional state- or organization-based mediators to be successfulin resolving <strong>the</strong>se conflicts. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this type of mediator is confined by<strong>the</strong> agendas of official diplomacy, which do not include such issues as values<strong>and</strong> identities. As argued above, mediation outcomes often reflect <strong>the</strong> relativepower of <strong>the</strong> parties <strong>and</strong> this is likely to make any settlement short-lived. <strong>The</strong>refore,in this view, track-two diplomacy <strong>and</strong> a facilitator outside <strong>the</strong> powerpoliticalarena are needed for conflict mediation to be successful. Clearly, <strong>the</strong>EU in its official mediation efforts does not provide this type of alternative conflictresolution.38 Kurikkala, F., Representation of a Changing Self: An EU Performance in <strong>the</strong> Middle East (Universityof Tampere: Tampere, 2003), pp. 160–78.39 Kurikkala (note 38), pp. 105–14.40 Kleiboer, M., ‘Underst<strong>and</strong>ing success <strong>and</strong> failure of international mediation’, Journal of ConflictResolution, vol. 40, no. 2 (1999), p. 369.41 Touval, S., ‘Biased intermediaries: <strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>and</strong> historical considerations’, Jerusalem Journal ofInternational Relations, vol. 1, no. 1 (1975), pp. 51–69.42 Kurikkala (note 38), pp. 214–19.

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