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The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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DOMESTIC INFLUENCES 97<strong>the</strong> EU’ <strong>and</strong> that it ‘should abolish <strong>the</strong> opt-outs’. 39 <strong>The</strong>re remain political difficultiesin overcoming public hesitancy on <strong>the</strong> matter. <strong>The</strong>se are also wellillustrated by <strong>the</strong> two practical preconditions that <strong>the</strong> government set in January2003 for removing <strong>the</strong> opt-outs: a referendum <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> EU’s prior adoption of<strong>the</strong> 2004 Constitutional Treaty, which itself would need to be ratified by referendumin Denmark. 40 Fogh Rasmussen has also shown his attachment to amodel of Europe that resembles ‘political fusion’ by his assertions that <strong>the</strong>future Union should be ‘a community of nation states . . . in which <strong>the</strong> MemberStates have decided to carry out a number of task toge<strong>the</strong>r by leaving <strong>the</strong> competenceto <strong>the</strong> EU’. 41While <strong>the</strong>re is some evidence of <strong>the</strong> Danish political elite promoting astronger integrationist position, <strong>the</strong> influence of Atlanticism on public opinionis still notable. Of all <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries, Denmark has been <strong>the</strong> most assertivein showing support for <strong>the</strong> USA since September 2001. <strong>The</strong> Danishcoalition government supported President Bush <strong>and</strong> Tony Blair, <strong>the</strong> BritishPrime Minister, over <strong>the</strong> invasion of Iraq in 2003, even if this was at <strong>the</strong> cost ofalienating <strong>the</strong> Franco-German axis in continental Europe. Moreover, since April2003 <strong>the</strong> Danish Government—in spite of public opinion polls indicating lessthan 50 per cent (<strong>and</strong> declining) approval ratings for such action—has maintainedits active role in <strong>the</strong> reconstruction of Iraq <strong>and</strong> was, for example, one of<strong>the</strong> first countries to send civil liaison officers to <strong>the</strong> US-led Coalition ProvisionalAuthority government of Iraq. <strong>The</strong> Danish Government has been willingto assert <strong>and</strong> even prioritize its ‘Euro-Atlantic’ credentials <strong>and</strong> transatlanticties, even at <strong>the</strong> cost of undermining EU unity <strong>and</strong> perhaps <strong>the</strong> future developmentof <strong>the</strong> emerging ESDP. In addition, <strong>the</strong> ESDP is problematic preciselybecause it is linked domestically with fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>European</strong> political integration in away that NATO is not. This helps explain why Danish domestic actors are atease with NATO but more uncertain about where an integrationist ESDP maylead.Compound fusion?On one level, in spite of <strong>the</strong> defence opt-out, <strong>the</strong> Danes have been very active intrying to influence <strong>the</strong> ESDP—namely, through <strong>the</strong> elaboration of a <strong>European</strong><strong>Security</strong> Strategy that identifies common threats to <strong>European</strong> security. 42 In addition,both <strong>the</strong> Danish political elite <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> public have been strong supportersof <strong>the</strong> EU’s developing civil crisis management functions since this can be39 Danish Prime Minister’s Office, ‘Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s New Year’s speech2003’, Copenhagen, 2 Jan. 2003, URL .40 Danish Prime Minister’s Office, ‘“Danish EU policy after <strong>the</strong> Presidency” speech by Prime MinisterAnders Fogh Rasmussen at <strong>the</strong> Institute for International Studies’, Copenhagen, 15 Jan. 2003, URL.41 Danish Prime Minister’s Office (note 40).42 Council of <strong>the</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union, ‘A secure Europe in a better world: <strong>European</strong> <strong>Security</strong> Strategy’,Brussels, 12 Dec. 2003, URL .

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