The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy

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6 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESDPTable I.1. Basic facts about the Nordic countriesDenmark Finland Iceland Norway SwedenIndependence (if 20th century) . . 1917 1944 1905 . .Territory (km 2 ) 43 098 a 338 145 102 819 306 253 b 449 964Estimated population (year) 5 397 640 (2004) 5 219 732 (2003) 290 570 (2003) 4 552 252 (2003) 8 940 788(2002)Total gross domestic product, 2002 (US$ b.) 212.4 160.8 10.5 221.6 300.8European Union and other European institutionsMember of European Union Since 1973 Since 1995 No No Since 1995Member of European Monetary Union No Yes . . . . NoParty to Schengen Agreement Yes Yes Yes Yes YesMember of European Economic Area Yes Yes Yes Yes YesComments Formal opt-outs Åland is outsidefrom inter alia EU’s tax unionEMU and the ESDP;the Faroe Islandsand Greenlandare outside the EUMember of Council of Europe Yes Yes Yes Yes YesMember of Nordic Council and Nordic Council Yes Yes Yes Yes Yesof MinistersMember of Council of the Baltic Sea States Yes Yes Yes Yes YesMember of Barents Euro-Arctic Council Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes. . = not applicable; EMU = European Monetary Union; ESDP = European Security and Defence Policy.aIn addition, the Faroe Islands have an area of 1399 km 2 and Greenland has an area of 2 166 086 km 2 .bIn addition, Svalbard has an area of 61 229 km 2 and Jan Mayen has an area of 377 km 2 .Source: Turner, B. (ed.), The Statesman’s Yearbook 2006 (Palgrave Macmillan: Basingstoke, 2005).
INTRODUCTION 7dency to separate strategic reality from discourse, and defence practice fromthe objectively prevailing defence need, has had something to do with theproblems that Nordic policy establishments have experienced in trying to adaptto (or even acknowledge) the profoundly different defence demands of the21st century.Policy choices 1990–2000: the appeal of ‘integration lite’In the honeymoon period after the collapse of the Warsaw Treaty Organizationand the Soviet Union, it seemed as if all partial alliance groupings in Europewould dissolve and the strategic divisions of the Nordic region might alsocrumble again. In fact, NATO proved able not just to survive but to productivelyreinvent itself, both as an organ of military crisis management in theBalkans and elsewhere and as a promoter of wider ‘cooperative security’practices in the new Europe through its North Atlantic Cooperation Council(NACC), established in 1991.Both NATO and the EU were soon besieged by the newly independent countriesof Central Europe seeking membership, including the three Baltic states,Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Since the Baltic states’ entry to NATO wasopposed particularly fiercely by Russia, some observers (notably in the USA)speculated briefly on whether the Nordic countries might draw them insteadinto a regional defence grouping that would be clearly ‘Western’ in affiliationbut distinct from NATO. It was soon clear, however, that the Nordic countrieswere as unwilling—and unqualified, given the asymmetry between their purelymilitary capability and Russia’s—to provide defence guarantees for their smallnew neighbours as the Baltic states themselves were to accept this secondchoice. 20 The conundrum was, inescapably, one for NATO to solve: and NATObought time for the solution by offering a more active cooperation frameworkto the applicant states in the shape of the Partnership for Peace (PFP), establishedin 1994, and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), 21 whichreplaced the NACC in 1997. Membership of the PFP and the EAPC wasopened up to other states in the European region, including Russia itself, toavoid any too early identification of those states which would eventually completethe steps to NATO membership.The EU chose to handle the enlargement challenge somewhat differently, bygranting formal applicant status (embodied in individual ‘Europe Agreements’)to countries on a case-by-case basis. The only permanent forum where theCentral European countries could address military security issues in a specific-20 On the US analysis see, e.g., Asmus, R. D. and Larrabee, S. F., ‘NATO and the have-nots:reassurance after enlargement’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 75, no. 6 (Nov./Dec. 1996), pp. 13–20; and Asmus,R. D. and Nurick, R. C., ‘NATO enlargement and the Baltic states’, Survival, vol. 38, no. 2 (summer1996), pp. 121–42.21 At the Prague Summit of Nov. 2002, NATO brought the PFP and the EAPC together within a single‘Euro-Atlantic Partnership’ concept. NATO, ‘Report on the comprehensive review of the Euro-AtlanticPartnership Council and Partnership for Peace’, Prague Summit, 21–22 Nov. 2002, URL .
Page 1 and 2: THE NORDICCOUNTRIES ANDTHE EUROPEAN
Page 3 and 4: Alyson J. K. Bailes (United Kingdom
Page 5 and 6: The Nordic Countries andthe Europea
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Page 9 and 10: ContentsPrefacexiiAbbreviations and
Page 11 and 12: CONTENTSII. The European security c
Page 13 and 14: CONTENTSII. The small arms and ligh
Page 15 and 16: CONTENTSII. Iceland and the emergen
Page 17: PREFACEThe conference on the Nordic
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Page 28 and 29: 10 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES AND THE ESD
Page 47 and 48: Editor’s remarksGunilla HerolfPar
Page 49 and 50: EDITOR’S REMARKS 31which the vari
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Page 53 and 54: EDITOR’S REMARKS 35The Europeaniz
Page 55 and 56: 1. Denmark and the European Securit
Page 57 and 58: DENMARK AND THE ESDP 39European def
Page 59 and 60: DENMARK AND THE ESDP 41safely leave
Page 61 and 62: DENMARK AND THE ESDP 43motions to t
Page 63 and 64: DENMARK AND THE ESDP 45effective
Page 65 and 66: DENMARK AND THE ESDP 47connected an
Page 70 and 71: 52 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLIT
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56 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLIT
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100 INSTITUTIONAL AND NATIONAL POLI
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Part IINational defence and Europea
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114 THE BROADER DIMENSIONS OF SECUR
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6. The impact of EU capability targ
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CAPABILITY TARGETS AND OPERATIONAL
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7. The impact of EU capability targ
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 143Government ha
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 145immediate reg
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 147SAF Headquart
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THE CASE OF SWEDEN 149the navy will
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‘NOT ONLY, BUT ALSO NORDIC’ 151
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9. Hardware politics, ‘hard polit
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HARDWARE POLITICS 169Sweden’s sec
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HARDWARE POLITICS 171the exploitati
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HARDWARE POLITICS 173share of Finla
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HARDWARE POLITICS 175and procuremen
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HARDWARE POLITICS 177of internation
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HARDWARE POLITICS 179reluctant to a
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HARDWARE POLITICS 181EU ambitions a
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HARDWARE POLITICS 183Nordic armamen
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10. The Nordic attitude to and role
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DEFENCE INDUSTRIAL COLLABORATION 18
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Part IIINordic handling of the broa
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13. The Nordic countries and conven
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14. Nordic nuclear non-proliferatio
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16. Muddling through: how the EU is
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Editor’s remarksAlyson J. K. Bail
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302 THE NORDIC COUNTRIES, THEIR REG
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20. Iceland and the European Securi
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22. The Baltic states and security
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23. Baltic perspectives on the Euro
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AppendixExtracts from the Treaty Es
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ments, to promote measures to satis
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(c) strengthening systematic cooper
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Article III-303The Union may conclu
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shall carry out its tasks in liaiso
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EU CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY 403enhance
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 405ning, Det 21.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 407Karlis Neretni
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS 409her publicatio
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INDEX 411Atlanticism 364banking 357
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INDEX 413Kosovo and 45Left Socialis
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INDEX 415Counter-Terrorism Coordina
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attle group 154, 181Central Union o
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INDEX 419Iceland Defense Force 328,
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INDEX 421Washington Declaration (19
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INDEX 423NPT (Non-Proliferation Tre
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ESDP and 12, 16, 19, 24, 54-55, 59,
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INDEX 427Vienna Documents 236Viking
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