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Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a

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3. Clarifications<br />

131<br />

the happiness approach. 14 Amartya Sen has pointed out repeatedly that<br />

people living at the very bottom of the social ladder (such as ‘exploited<br />

labourers’ or ‘oppressed housewives’) adapt to their situation <strong>and</strong> come<br />

to suffer less intensely. Another example is the effect of racism. If a<br />

society becomes gradually less tolerant towards cultural minorities <strong>and</strong><br />

increasingly accepts racist practices, then cultural minorities might get<br />

used to a racist social climate. Perhaps they will change their behaviour,<br />

in order to avoid contact with openly racist people. By changing their<br />

behaviour <strong>and</strong> mentally preparing for racist practices, it is possible<br />

that after a while the negative wellbeing effect of racism on minority<br />

groups will be partially wiped out. However, a policy that anticipates<br />

such adaptation processes is morally <strong>and</strong> politically problematic: racism<br />

should not be tolerated in society, even if it were not to have a significant<br />

impact on the subjective wellbeing of its victims. In order to judge that<br />

racism is not morally permissible <strong>and</strong> hence that policies should try<br />

to minimize racism, we don’t first need to investigate whether racism<br />

makes its victims less happy: that’s simply beside the point. Even if<br />

the victims of racism acted stoically <strong>and</strong> didn’t let racism affect their<br />

happiness levels, that wouldn’t make racism any less undesirable.<br />

Another form of mental adaptation which is relevant for the<br />

government is the adjustment response to income changes. Subjective<br />

wellbeing judgements about income have been shown to adapt<br />

asymmetrically to income changes. Income increases go together with<br />

higher aspirations for the future, with only one third of the increase<br />

being reflected by improvements of subjective wellbeing (Frey <strong>and</strong><br />

Stutzer 2002). Panel-analysis over a period of ten years shows that we<br />

adapt strongly to an increase in income, but much less so to a drop<br />

in income (Burchardt 2005). Thus, if people change positions in an<br />

income distribution which itself remains unchanged, then aggregate<br />

satisfaction of the population will decrease. <strong>The</strong> people who move up<br />

the ladder will be more satisfied for a short time, but quickly adapt to<br />

the new situation, whereas people who move downwards experience a<br />

larger drop in satisfaction — <strong>and</strong> this effect lasts longer as well. Tania<br />

Burchardt (2006) argues that due to similar phenomena of adaptation,<br />

people’s positions in the distribution of income, health <strong>and</strong> marital<br />

14 Yet the phenomenon of ‘adaptive preferences’ can also potentially create problems<br />

for some capability theories, as we will analyse in section 3.9.

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