Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
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4. Critiques <strong>and</strong> Debates<br />
181<br />
she is now, not just as a future adult. Clearly there is a different ideal of<br />
education in these two school. <strong>The</strong> parents may sit down <strong>and</strong> write two<br />
lists of the pros <strong>and</strong> cons of the different schools — <strong>and</strong> many items on<br />
that list will be functionings or capabilities. Parents choosing between<br />
these two schools will choose different future capability sets for their<br />
children. Although the terminology may not be used, capabilities are at<br />
work in this decision; yet very few people would argue that it is a task<br />
for the government to decide whether children should be sent to schools<br />
focussing on human capital training, or rather on human flourishing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> scholarship focussing on curriculum design using the capability<br />
approach, or on making us underst<strong>and</strong> the difference between human<br />
capital <strong>and</strong> human capabilities is doing precisely all of this (Brighouse<br />
2006; Robeyns 2006c; Wigley <strong>and</strong> Akkoyunlu-Wigley 2006; Walker 2008,<br />
2010, 2012b).<br />
Of course, one could respond to these examples by saying that there<br />
may be capability applications or theories that belong to the private<br />
sphere <strong>and</strong> that therefore the government is not the (only) agent of<br />
change — yet that capabilitarian political theories, such as theories of<br />
justice, should address the government.<br />
But this response will not do either. As several political theorists<br />
have argued, the question of who should be the agents of justice is<br />
one that needs to be properly discussed <strong>and</strong> analysed, <strong>and</strong> it is not<br />
at all obvious that the primary or only agents of justice should be the<br />
government (O. O’Neill 2001; Weinberg 2009; Deveaux 2015). <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
at least three reasons one could give for not giving the government the<br />
main role as agent of change, or indeed any role at all. <strong>The</strong> first reason<br />
is one’s general ideological commitment as regards political systems.<br />
Anarchism <strong>and</strong> (right-)libertarian political theories would either give<br />
the government no agency at all, or else only insofar as property rights<br />
need to be protected (Nozick 1974). <strong>The</strong>re is nothing in the structure of<br />
anarchist or libertarian political theories that rules out their adoption<br />
of functionings <strong>and</strong> capabilities as (part of) the metric of quality of life<br />
that should guide the social <strong>and</strong> economic institutions that we choose<br />
for our societies. People have very different views on the question of<br />
what can realistically be expected from a government. Just as we need to<br />
take people as they are, we should not work with an unrealistic utopian<br />
account of government. It may be that the capabilitarian ideal society is