Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
Wellbeing, Freedom and Social Justice The Capability Approach Re-Examined, 2017a
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200 <strong>Wellbeing</strong>, <strong>Freedom</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Justice</strong><br />
called ‘developing countries’, that is, countries with a much higher<br />
incidence of absolute poverty, <strong>and</strong> often with a less developed economic<br />
infrastructure. For example, Paul Streeten (1995, viii) writes:<br />
We defined human development as widening the range of people’s<br />
choices. Human development is a concern not only for poor countries <strong>and</strong><br />
poor people, but everywhere. In the high-income countries, indicators of<br />
shortfalls in human development should be looked for in homelessness,<br />
drug addiction, crime, unemployment, urban squalor; environmental<br />
degradation, personal insecurity <strong>and</strong> social disintegration.<br />
<strong>The</strong> inclusion of all human beings within the scope of ‘human<br />
development thinking’ is widely endorsed within human development<br />
scholarship <strong>and</strong> policy reports. However, it is also a matter of fact that<br />
most people, including policy makers, associate the term ‘development’<br />
not with improvements to the lives of people living in high-income<br />
countries. This is unfortunate, but it is a fact one needs to reckon with. In<br />
high-income countries, some of the terms often used for what could also<br />
be called ‘human development interventions’ are ‘policies’, ‘institutional<br />
design’, or ‘social transformations’. While it is laudable to deconstruct<br />
the term ‘development’, at the same time we should be careful about<br />
using words that would lead to scholars <strong>and</strong> policy makers in highincome<br />
countries to neglect the capability approach if they (mistakenly)<br />
believe that it is a framework only suitable for ‘developing countries’ (as<br />
they would use the term).<br />
<strong>The</strong> final reason is political. <strong>The</strong>re are many capability scholars<br />
who would like to develop an alternative to neoliberalism, or, more<br />
specifically when it concerns development policies, to the ‘Washington<br />
consensus’. While more sophisticated analyses of both doctrines have<br />
been put forward, both doctrines focus on private property rights; the<br />
primacy of markets as an allocation mechanism; the focus in macroeconomic<br />
policies on controlling inflation <strong>and</strong> reducing fiscal deficits;<br />
economic liberalisation with regard to free trade <strong>and</strong> capital flows;<br />
<strong>and</strong>, overall, restricted <strong>and</strong> reduced involvement of governments in<br />
the domestic economy, such as markets in labour, l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> capital (the<br />
so-called ‘factor markets’) (Gore 2000; Fukuda-Parr 2003; McCleery <strong>and</strong><br />
De Paolis 2008). <strong>The</strong> ‘Washington consensus’ refers to the development