socialuri usafrTxoebis eTnikuri aspeqtebi polieTnikur sazogadoebaSi

predestined to marginal status, even if some representative of thegroup achieves material success. In these conditions ethnicity is firstpriority for the ethnical group members, as the means ofidentification. If there are no such conditions (i.e. there is no necessityof ethnic identification), these markers move to the background.Then ethnic indifference comes to fore.Social distance between ethnic groups in Kvemo Kartli is moderate.At semantic level it is reflected in good neighboring and personalrelationships. However, they are mainly not familiar or slightlyfamiliar with the rules and traditions of the other group. It isespecially true for Svans and Adzharians. They are judgedsuperficially according to formal markers. Ethnic stereotypes arestrictly differentiated. The stereotypes of own group are mainlydominated by cognitive trends, while the stereotypes of other groups– by emotional-evaluative ones. It is especially obvious in Svan andAdzharian hetero-stereotypes. The most acute in ecomigrants is thelack of primary vital necessities. In terms of ethno-cultural sensitivitythe existing situation is categorized as the second step of ethnocentrismaccording to Bennet’s inter-cultural sensitivity model, i.e.self-defense from differences. Yet another problem is the fact thatthe majority of the population speaks only own language and thereis no common communication language. Although, instrumentalmotivation for the study of the state language is observed amongAzeries.As regards the “true” Georgians of the elder generation, they haveso called ambivalent attitude towards Svans: on the one hand, it ispositive, because the region has gained Georgian orientation due totheir migration; on the other hand, it is negative, because Svans (intheir opinion) have different traditions, language and rules ofbehavior and they strive to become dominant in the region.Armenians and Georgians are mainly isolated from each other. It isphysical as well as informational and psychological detachment.They have moderate feelings towards each other, although they knowless about each other’s traditions and rules. Armenians in villageseither badly speak or do not speak Georgian. The young are lessmotivated than Azeri in studying Georgian. Generally they havecautious attitude towards the language study, as they fear of culturalassimilation with Georgians.The results of the research confirm that negative ethnic stereotypesand ethno-centrism is dominant in the districts compactly populatedby the ethnical minority groups. Social distance between groups isgreat, while inter-cultural sensitivity less developed. The majorityof the mentioned ethnic groups could be categorized fairly low interms of development of inter-cultural sensitivity – that is the levelof self-defense from differences of the egocentric phase. This levelis quite apart from good ethnic relationships and effectivecommunications between cultures, cooperation and co-existence.Such psychological climate naturally hinders the integration of thesociety of the region and impedes the establishment and developmentof the civil society.The situation is the most tense in Tsalka district. The issue ofpurchasing of the Greek owned houses is complicated. This problemhas been on the agenda for a while, but there are no tangible meansof resolution yet. Legal framework should be facilitated, becausemany houses had been illegally seized. The majority of the emptybuildings are on the verge of destruction due to lack of maintenance.It could be said that housing fund has been depleted.There are several forms of settlement of the houses:1. Organized by state – when ecomigrants were settled in thehouses purchased by the state from the migrated Greekpopulation;2. Partially purchased by state – when part of the price is paidby the ecomigrant (however, the latter is not officiallyregistered and the owner has no document);3. Sporadic – a) when ecomigrants seize Greek houses (partof the migrants had paid the relatives of the Greek the so448 449