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Sandžak: identity and recent past<br />

that the Muslim intelligence failed to perform its historic task “to turn a community,<br />

genuinely separated from Serbs and Croats in Yugoslavia, into a national<br />

community, a laymen community unpropelled by religion.”²⁰ Participation<br />

of Mujahedins in the war in Bosnia was also used as the crown evidence of the<br />

aformentioned thesis, and the emergence of Wahabis in Sandžak was depicted<br />

as a potential Islamic fundamentalism danger for security of Serbia. Spinning of<br />

hysteria by dint of the Serb media, mostly via statements of former state security<br />

and counter-intelligence agents led to the arrest of a group of Wahabis who then<br />

faced charges of “attempts to undermine the integrity of Serbia.” Due to lack of<br />

evidence all Wahabis were released. Media stopped covering that case, but the<br />

damage has been already done.<br />

The second phase of radicalization of Sandžak involves intentional fragmentation<br />

or breaking up of the Islamic community. Tensions and conflicts in which<br />

the Islamic Community was recently engulfed should be viewed in a broader<br />

context, for at play were, on the one hand, violations of the freedom of religion<br />

of citizens of Serbia, and on the other hand, a periodic wave of anti-Muslim and<br />

anti-Islamic actions, to which the state institutions failed to adequately respond.<br />

What happened was not only an intra-Muslim division in Sandžak, but rather<br />

the effect of an orchestrated state policy which obstructed the constitution of<br />

the Bosniak community, in which the Islamic Community should have played a<br />

crucial role.<br />

Reductionist tack to Islam, from the angle of fundamentalism, is cognitively<br />

narrow-minded and lacking, for it disregards the need of excluded groups to be<br />

integrated and involved in the society’s mainstream.²¹ By extension it is politically<br />

dangerous for Bosniaks and the region in which the majority of them live,<br />

for thus they acquire a markedly negative connotation. When in the 90’s, after<br />

the setting in motion of Belgrade’s war machinery, Alija Izetbegović appealed to<br />

Turkey for help, aforementioned Darko Tanasković wrote down: “The person<br />

most akin to a Bosnian Serb, is a Bosnian Muslim, but the political bosses of the<br />

latter, are now appealing to Turks to help them weather the current problems<br />

and difficulties... And Turks are presented as a threat to Serbs, though Serbs with<br />

contemporary Turks have long established excellent relations. To Serbs such a<br />

threat is even more ominous than the one of Germans. If Turks for Serbs once<br />

again become the Turks from the epic poems cycle, Muslims are not likely to<br />

remain for Serbs the South Slavic, Balkans and European brothers, with whom<br />

they are supposed to peacefully, constructively and democratically look for the<br />

way out from the joint problems and put in place a new formula of harmonious<br />

SANDŽAK: IDENTITY AND RECENT PAST<br />

17<br />

20 Ibid. page . 81.<br />

21 Tarik Kulenović, “Political Islam”, VBZ, Zagreb, 2008.

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