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Philo of Alexandria - Books and Journals

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196 part two<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>Philo</strong> use the metamorphosis motif to show that the message <strong>of</strong> some chosen<br />

human beings comes directly from God <strong>and</strong> is confirmed by their life. In this<br />

way they become models for others on the path to the knowledge <strong>of</strong> God.<br />

(GS)<br />

20204. S. Badilita, ‘Le symbolisme des couleurs chez <strong>Philo</strong>n: l’exemple<br />

du De Somniis I, 189–227,’ in L. Villard (ed.), Couleurs et vision dans<br />

l’ antiquité classique (Rouen 2002) 153–165.<br />

<strong>Philo</strong>’s commentary on one <strong>of</strong> the dreams <strong>of</strong> Joseph (Gen 31:11–13) is <strong>of</strong><br />

particular interest for the study <strong>of</strong> the symbolism <strong>of</strong> colours. The author proposes<br />

a first interpretation <strong>of</strong> the three σημεα: τ διάλευκν, τ πικίλν <strong>and</strong> τ<br />

σπδειδς αντν in relation to Jacob, the symbol <strong>of</strong> the σκητής,whoattains<br />

to wisdom through practice, but at the time <strong>of</strong> the dream has not yet reached<br />

the goal <strong>of</strong> his spiritual itinerary (§§ 199–212). A second interpretation is then<br />

given: the same signs, but now in reverse order, are related to the High Priest,<br />

the symbol <strong>of</strong> the τέλεις, the man who has attained wisdom (§§ 213–219). The<br />

three signs this time represent the three stages in an ascent that can be described<br />

as mystical. Attached to this second part is also a digression on the politician,<br />

represented by Joseph (§§ 219–227), who only has access to the intermediate<br />

sign, the πικίλν, which has a negative connotation. (JR)<br />

20205. M.Baltes,Die philosophische Lehre des Platonismus: Von der<br />

»Seele« als der Ursache aller sinnvollen Abläufe, 2 vols., Der Platonismus<br />

in der Antike 6 (Stuttgart 2002).<br />

Continuing this magnificent source-book <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> Platonism up to<br />

about the 4th century c.e. (cf. R-R 8731, RRS 9015, 9603, above 9807), Baltes<br />

now systematically collects <strong>and</strong> comments on texts relating to the doctrine <strong>of</strong> the<br />

soul. The only <strong>Philo</strong>nic text selected is Opif.137, illustrating the soul as a μέση<br />

σία, but there are further references to the <strong>Alex<strong>and</strong>ria</strong>n in the commentary on<br />

other texts. Sadly this volume is the last to be completed by Baltes, who died in<br />

January 2003. The project is being continued by C. Pietsch <strong>and</strong> M.-L. Lakmann.<br />

(DTR)<br />

20206.J.M.G.Barclay,‘ApologeticsintheJewishDiaspora,’inJ.R.<br />

Bartlett (ed.), Jews in the Hellenistic <strong>and</strong> Roman Cities (London 2002)<br />

129–148.<br />

Barclay points out the ambiguities <strong>and</strong> difficulties presented by use <strong>of</strong> the<br />

term ‘apologetics’. In his original History, E. Schürer viewed Jewish apologetic<br />

literature as primarily defensive in refuting anti-Jewish claims, <strong>and</strong> he distinguished<br />

between apologetics <strong>and</strong> propag<strong>and</strong>a, which sought either to proselytize<br />

or to create a positive impression <strong>of</strong> Jews. In his revision <strong>of</strong> Schürer, M. Goodman,<br />

influenced by V. Tcherikover’s seminal article, acknowledges that much<br />

Jewish apologetic literature may have been intended for Jews <strong>and</strong> not aimed at

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