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Philo of Alexandria - Books and Journals

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critical studies 2006 409<br />

20695. O.S.Vardazarian,‘HovhanOrotnec‘uHawak‘umnYaytnabanut‘ean<br />

i <strong>Philo</strong>ne Imastnoy, or ‘Yaghags Naxaxnamut‘ean” [in Armenian:<br />

The Epitome <strong>of</strong> the Explanation <strong>of</strong> the (Treatise) On Providence by<br />

<strong>Philo</strong> the Wise, (made) by Yovhannēs Orotnec‘i], Banber Matenadarani<br />

[Journal <strong>of</strong> the Matenadaran, Yerevan] 17 (2006) 213–259.<br />

The critical edition <strong>of</strong> the text <strong>of</strong> the epitome <strong>of</strong> the Prov., made in the school<br />

<strong>of</strong> the famous medieval Armenian vardapet Yovhannēs Orotnec‘i (1315–1386),<br />

was prepared on the basis <strong>of</strong> three manuscripts, which are all preserved in Yerevan.<br />

In the Introduction to the edition the problem <strong>of</strong> authorship <strong>of</strong> the epitome<br />

is first discussed. Judging from the title, there are two possible inferences: (a)<br />

Yovhannēs Orotnec‘i could have composed it by using some scholia <strong>of</strong> previous<br />

authors; (b) the explanations given by the above-mentioned vardapet were<br />

recorded during class-readings <strong>and</strong> transformed in a rhetorical composition by<br />

one <strong>of</strong> his disciples. In the latter case the most probable c<strong>and</strong>idate is Grigor<br />

Tathevatc‘i († 1409), who was known as a recorder <strong>of</strong> some other lectures delivered<br />

by Orotnec‘i <strong>and</strong> who was familiar with several specific phrases <strong>of</strong> the epitome.<br />

Although it is a concise paraphrase <strong>of</strong> the Prov., the epitome differs from<br />

its source text in its general tendency <strong>and</strong> the proportions <strong>of</strong> its exposition. Contrary<br />

to <strong>Philo</strong>, who claims to discuss the theses stated by Alex<strong>and</strong>er only in the<br />

most friendly manner, the author <strong>of</strong> the epitome is intent to make a refutation<br />

against all those who do not believe in Divine Providence. Such a shift in perception<br />

is very ancient; it can be noted already in citations from Prov. inEusebius’<br />

PE (see esp. τς τν έων ντιέσεις in 8.13.7). There are some large gaps<br />

in the exposition, but they should not be interpreted as lacunae: the omissions<br />

can be explained as a desire to counterbalance the scope <strong>of</strong> the first <strong>and</strong> second<br />

books <strong>of</strong> Prov. <strong>and</strong> to avoid items unknown to the Armenian audience. In the<br />

‘Notes’ the additional sources <strong>of</strong> several passages <strong>of</strong> the epitome are pointed out:<br />

these are Armenian translations <strong>of</strong> Ps.Aristotle’s De Mundo <strong>and</strong> Plato’s Timaeus).<br />

(DTR; based on the author’s summary)<br />

20696. G.Veltri,Libraries, Translations, <strong>and</strong> ‘Canonic’ Texts: the<br />

Septuagint, Aquila <strong>and</strong> Ben Sira in the Jewish <strong>and</strong> Christian Traditions,<br />

Supplements to the Journal for the Study <strong>of</strong> Judaism 109 (Leiden 2006).<br />

To underst<strong>and</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> an authoritative, canonical body <strong>of</strong> texts,<br />

one must also consider how works that once held canonical status later lost this<br />

status. Veltri considers three examples: the canonization <strong>of</strong> the Septuagint in<br />

Jewish-Hellenistic <strong>and</strong> Christian tradition <strong>and</strong> its decanonization in rabbinic<br />

literature; patristic <strong>and</strong> rabbinic use <strong>of</strong> Aquila’s Greek translation <strong>of</strong> the Bible <strong>and</strong><br />

Babylonian rabbinic replacement <strong>of</strong> Aquila’s translation by Targum Onkelos; <strong>and</strong><br />

the Book <strong>of</strong> Ben Sira from the perspective <strong>of</strong> its Greek prologue <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> rabbinic<br />

literature. Contrary to accepted opinion, the rise <strong>and</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> books among<br />

rabbinic Jews <strong>and</strong> Christians does not have to do with their opponents’ use <strong>of</strong><br />

these books, but rather with inner dynamics within each community such as<br />

change in the primary language used by the community <strong>and</strong> the disappearance

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