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Philo of Alexandria - Books and Journals

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286 part two<br />

20404. J. A. Antón-Pacheco, ‘El universalismo judeo-helenistico en<br />

Filón de Alej<strong>and</strong>ría y Pablo de Tarso,’ Convivium 17 (2004) 167–177.<br />

<strong>Philo</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Alex<strong>and</strong>ria</strong> <strong>and</strong> Paul <strong>of</strong> Tarsus are the two most outst<strong>and</strong>ing representatives<br />

<strong>of</strong> Hellenistic-Judaic universalism. This universalism can be enclosed<br />

in the wider frame <strong>of</strong> the koiné, whose central characteristic is ecumenism. Two<br />

trends work together for the development <strong>of</strong> <strong>Philo</strong>’s <strong>and</strong> Paul’s universalism: the<br />

Hellenic contribution (essentially Stoicism) <strong>and</strong> the Hebrew one (particularly<br />

that coming from the sapiential tradition). In the centre <strong>of</strong> his thought <strong>Philo</strong><br />

places the idea inherited from sapiential Judaism according to which the Torah<br />

is Law <strong>of</strong> nature, without however ab<strong>and</strong>oning the concept <strong>of</strong> observance. In<br />

Paul’s case what impels his universalism is his interpretation <strong>of</strong> Christianity.<br />

(JPM)<br />

20405. F. Avemarie, ‘Juden vor den Richterstühlen Roms. In Flaccum<br />

und die Apostelgeschichte im Vergleich,’ in R. Deines <strong>and</strong> K.-W.<br />

Niebuhr (edd.), <strong>Philo</strong> und das Neue Testament: Wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen.<br />

1. Internationales Symposium zum Corpus Judaeo-Hellenisticum<br />

Novi Testamenti (Eisenach/Jena, Mai 2003), Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen<br />

zum Neuen Testament 172 (Tübingen 2004) 107–126.<br />

The New Testament scholar Avemarie compares <strong>Philo</strong>’s Flacc.withLuke’sActs<br />

(see also the companion article by Van der Horst). Local conflicts between Jewish<br />

Christians, non-Christian Jews <strong>and</strong> the Roman representatives are mentioned in<br />

Cyprus (Acts 13:6–12), Philippi (ch. 16), Thessalonica (ch. 17), Corinth (ch. 18),<br />

Ephesus (ch. 19), Jerusalem (ch. 21) <strong>and</strong> Caesarea (Acts 23:33–24:27). It is interesting<br />

to observe that the term used, Ιυδας, characterizes rather different<br />

persons <strong>and</strong> positions. Occasionally Acts shows a kind <strong>of</strong> anti-Judaism but with<br />

many fewer consequences than in the anti-Judaic conflicts in <strong>Alex<strong>and</strong>ria</strong>. In<br />

contrast to <strong>Philo</strong> Luke pictures the representatives <strong>of</strong> the Roman power rather<br />

realistically, one could say as involved in quite ‘mundane’ everyday occurrences.<br />

This is connected with a reduced emphasis on their religious positions <strong>and</strong> their<br />

administration. All in all Luke grants the Roman <strong>of</strong>ficials only a supporting role.<br />

(GS)<br />

20406. C.Batsch,‘Le«pacifismedesEsséniens»,unmythehistoriographique,’<br />

Revue de Qumran 21 (2004) 457–468.<br />

The author observes that it has long been scholarly practice to link up<br />

virtually automatically the terms ‘Essenes’ <strong>and</strong> ‘pacifists’ <strong>and</strong> that even after<br />

the publication <strong>of</strong> the Qumran manuscripts scholars defend a pacifism that<br />

is an essential feature <strong>of</strong> the Essenes. Recent research on Qumran has started<br />

to distance itself from this theory <strong>of</strong> ‘Essene pacifism’, but this rejection is<br />

taking place without debate or critical argument. In this historiographical study<br />

the author analyses the ancient sources on which the theory is based: <strong>Philo</strong><br />

(Prob. 75–91; Contempl.) <strong>and</strong> Flavius Josephus. From this analysis it emerges

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