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Philo of Alexandria - Books and Journals

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additional items 1987–1996 423<br />

Qumran, Rabbinic literature, Letter to the Hebrews, <strong>and</strong> Paul. Only Paul believes<br />

in atonement for the deliberate sinner, namely, through the death <strong>of</strong> Jesus. <strong>Philo</strong><br />

distinguishes between intentional <strong>and</strong> unintentional sins several times but not<br />

always in connection to the cult. In Spec. 1.226–238, he cites this distinction<br />

in discussing the sin <strong>of</strong>fering, suggesting that this <strong>of</strong>fering atones only for<br />

unintentional sins. Elsewhere, he portrays the deliberate sinner as provoking<br />

God <strong>and</strong> having to reckon with the divine rather than human tribunal. (EB)<br />

a96100. O. Betz, ‘Die jüdischen Qumran-Essener als Modell für das<br />

griechische Gemeinschaftsideal,’ in B. Funck (ed.), Hellenismus. Beiträge<br />

zur Erforschung von Akkulturation und politischer Ordnung in den Staaten<br />

des hellenistischen Zeitalters: Akten des Internationalen Hellenismus-Kolloquiums<br />

9.–14. März 1994 in Berlin (Tübingen 1996) 319–327.<br />

Against the background <strong>of</strong> the discoveries at Qumran the author portrays the<br />

interpretatio Graeca, which Josephus, Pliny <strong>and</strong> <strong>Philo</strong> give <strong>of</strong> the Essenes. When<br />

he points out the freedom, equality <strong>and</strong> fraternity found in this community,<br />

Josephus has in mind the ideal state <strong>of</strong> Plato. <strong>Philo</strong> emphasizes to an even greater<br />

extent the exemplary function <strong>of</strong> the common life <strong>of</strong> the Essenes; he stresses<br />

their commitment to God, but also their concentration on ethics. More than in<br />

Josephus their freedom is conceived in Stoic terms. Though he recognizes the<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> Moses, this is not incompatible with his praise <strong>of</strong> the ‘most holy Plato’<br />

(Prob. 13). (DZ)<br />

a96101. R.v<strong>and</strong>enBroek,Studies in Gnosticism <strong>and</strong> <strong>Alex<strong>and</strong>ria</strong>n<br />

Christianity, Nag Hammadi Studies 39 (Leiden 1996), esp. 117–130 <strong>and</strong><br />

206–234.<br />

Collection <strong>of</strong> fifteen articles, four <strong>of</strong> which are published here for the first<br />

time while two others appeared in relatively inaccessible collections. The two<br />

studies dealing with <strong>Philo</strong>, nos. 7 <strong>and</strong> 13, are reprints <strong>of</strong> R-R 8606 <strong>and</strong> R-R 7902<br />

respectively. (HMK)<br />

a96102. B.Chiesa,‘Dawudal-Muqammiselasuaopera,’Henoch 18<br />

(1996) 121–155, esp. 131–137.<br />

In this review <strong>of</strong> Sarah Stroumsa’s Dawud ibn Marwan al-Muqammis’ Twenty<br />

Chapters (1989), Chiesa discusses the possiblity <strong>of</strong> <strong>Philo</strong> having been a source <strong>of</strong><br />

al-Muqammis. About the latter, little more is known than what al-Qirqisani tells<br />

us in his Kitab al-anwar <strong>of</strong> 927 c.e, who brings him into relation with a certain<br />

Nana. There are valid arguments for identifying this Nana with Nonnus <strong>of</strong><br />

Nisibi (9th century). Chiesa then develops the following argumentation (p. 132):<br />

(1) if al-Qirqisani had knowledge <strong>of</strong> the works <strong>of</strong> <strong>Philo</strong>, his most probable<br />

intermediary source was al-Muqammis; (2) that al-Muqammis may have known<br />

<strong>Philo</strong> is very likely given his relationship with Nonnus, who was active precisely<br />

in the environment where <strong>Philo</strong>’s writings circulated—viz. in Armenia—; (3)

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