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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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within the Ottoman borders. 642 Secondly, the raiding infidels provided somewhat of a<br />

legitimate ground for the political desires of the shaykhs, while accumulating further<br />

military power in their hands.<br />

Like his father, Shaykh Haydar also does not occupy much space in later Safavid<br />

chronicles, starting by HS. Especially the extremist beliefs of his adherents regarding the<br />

shaykh himself are completely ignored by Safavid chroniclers. This is not, however,<br />

something astonishing. We know that all the Safavid historians, 643 except Khwandamir,<br />

wrote their histories during or after the reign of Shah Tahmasb, when the ‘orthodox’<br />

Twelver Shi’ism, which vehemently denies extremist assertions of ghulat shi’a, had<br />

already been established in the official sphere of the Safavid state. 644 Khwandamir, for<br />

instance, was born into an old-rooted bureaucrat family of Persia and grew up in a<br />

highly educated milieu, which was alien and antagonist towards rough and simple<br />

beliefs of illiterate-nomadic Turkomans. It is evident in these chronicles that they aim to<br />

642 As already delineated, the intensification of the spirit of gazā within the order was chiefly caused by the<br />

influence of large-scale Turkoman disciples on Ardabil.<br />

643 For a through description of Safavid sources see Sarwar, pp. 3-16; Youssef-Jamāli, pp. XV-XLV;<br />

Masashi Haneda, Le Châh et les Qizilbâs. Le système militaire safavide, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag,<br />

1987, pp. 10-28.<br />

644 The venture of Safavid ideology from extremism to the orthodox shi’ism arguably began as early as<br />

1508, when Shah Ismail dismissed Husayn Beg Lala, one of ‘the Seven Sufis of Lahijan’ and of the<br />

foremost representatives of late ‘Safavid Movement’, from the post of wakīl and in his place appointed a<br />

Persian, Amīr Najm al-Dīn Mas’ūd Gīlānī. (See Jean Aubin, ‘Revolution chiite et conservatisme. Les<br />

soufis de Lahejan, 1500-1514 (Etudes Safavides II), Moyen Orient &Océan Indien 1, 1984, pp. 9-15;<br />

Roger M. Savory, “The Principal Offices of the Safavid State during the Reign of Isma’īl I (907-30/1501-<br />

24)”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XXIII, London, 1960, p. 94.) But on the<br />

ideological plane the main transformation took place under Shah Tahmasb, when prominent Arab<br />

theologians of Twelver Shi’ism from Jabal ‘Āmil or somewhere else were imported to the Safavid capital.<br />

On the role of Amili Scholars in transforming the officially approved religious perception of the Safavids<br />

see Devin J. Stewart, “Notes on the Migration of Amili Scholars to Safavid Iran”, Journal of Near Eastern<br />

Studies, vol. 55, no. 2, 1996, 81-103; “An Episode in the ‘Amili Migration to Safavid Iran: Husayn b.<br />

‘Abd al-samad al-‘Amili’s Travel Account”, Iranian Studies, v. 39, no. 4, December 2006, 481-508; Said<br />

Amir Arjomand, “Shi’ism as the State Religion under the Safavids”, in his The Shadow of God and the<br />

Hidden Imam, Chicago, London: <strong>University</strong> of Chocago Press, 1984, 105-212; Albert Hourani, “From<br />

Jabal ‘Āmil to Persia”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 49, 1986, 133-40; Andrew<br />

Newman, “The Myth of Clerical Migration to Safawid Iran: Arab Shiite Opposition to ‘Ali al-Karakī and<br />

Safawid Shiism”, Die Welt des Islams, 33, 1993, 66-112.<br />

219

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