TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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According to ‘Āli, the qizilbashes moved toward the province of Rūm because they wanted to go to the realm of the Shah. 1343 Şahkulu arrived in Beyşehir on June 17. 1344 Then he proceeded to Kayseri. 1345 Ali Pasha could learn only after two days that Şahkulu had fled from Kızılkaya. 1346 He was so enthusiastic to finish the rebellion as soon as possible and underestimated the power of Şahkulu that he left most of his Fenāyi ve Dellāk Đbrahim demekle ma’rūf mezhepsiz mülhidler ve müfsidler ve kafirūn-ı eşeddler şehzāde hazretlerini bilkülliye idlāl edüb tarīkden ve tabiatden çıkardılar. Hatta bir derecedir ki ankaribüz-zaman mahzulin ve mel’uneyn kızılbaş cemaatının hazelehumullahı taalā ve şehzadenin ittifakları bunun üzerine olmuşdur ki şehzāde anlara yahud anlar şehzadeye mülākat olalar. Zamīr-i münīr-i cihān-āranuza mestūr olmayub bir dürlü dahi mülāhaza buyurulmıya öyle olsa sultanım hazretlerine vācib ve lāzımdır ki bu maslahatı sāyir mühim mesāliha kıyas etmeyüb cemi’ mesālihden akdem ve ehemm bilüm ta’cil ale’t-ta’cil devlet-ü saadetle bu canibe gelüb her ne tarīk def-ü ref mümkün ise def etmeğe ikdām oluna. Billahil azīm memleket-i Karaman heman elden çıkmışdır. Bir an ve bir lahza tevakkuf cā’iz değildir. Şöylece mülāhaza buyurula: bāki garāyibin ve fesadın nihāyeti yokdur. Đnşaallah anlar dahī hāk-i pāy-ı şerefinize mahfī olmıya. Bāki sultanım hazretlerin hāk-i pāy-ı şeriflerine il’ām hācet değildir. Ömrü devlet bāki ba’d. Abdüküm el-muhlīs Haydar el-fakīr.” (TSA, document E. 5590. The back side of this document reads ‘Haydar Paşa’dan gelen mektup’, the letter came from Haydar Pasha. Most part of the document is published in ULCY1, p. 69.) On the other hand, the grand vizier Ali Pasha also wrote a letter reporting the situation of the prince when he was on the way to suppress the Şahkulu rebellion. Ali Pasha writes, the prince is yet in our side. But it seems that he feels discomfort because of Ahmed’s arrival in Eskisehir. It must be because of that, he called all of his kapı kulu soldiers, who was then with Haydar Pasha, and all of the Karaman troops to his retinue. Ali Pasha refers to the letter of Haydar Pasha quoted above and repeats the ‘evil-intentions’ of the prince. He also points out that the prince freed two captives, who were captured from the qizilbash army and sent o him. At the end of his letter, Ali Pasha informs the sultan that he sent Haydar Pasha to Konya in order to inspect the situation of the prince more closely and he asks to the sultan how to behave regarding Şehinşah. (TSA, document, 6352. The facsimile copy of this document is published in TNSB, p. 228.) Indeed, Şehinşah’s link with the qizilbash movement was already established before the Şahkulu rebellion. Three letters from the Mamluk governor of Aleppo, Hayır Bey, clearly reveals his cooperation with Shah Ismail. In his letters Hayır Bey informs the Porte on the correspondence of the prince with Ismail and Ustaçlıoğlu Muhammed, one of the leading generals of Ismail and the governor of Diyarbakır. Learning from his letters, in 1510, Mamay Bey, the governor of Divriği, detained three messengers, one carrying a letter of Sahah Ismail, second carrying a letter of Ustaçlıoğlu Muhammed, and third carrying a letter of Prince Şehinşah. These three messengers were sent to Hayır Bey with their letters. Hayır Bey dispatched the messenger of the prince and three letters to the Porte through Prince Ahmed. (TSA, document E 5594. The facsimile copies of these letters are published in TNSB, p 240. See also TNSB, p. 239.) But Şehinşah left the political arena soon after. He died on July 2, 1511, in the same day that Ali Pasha was killed. See ULCY2, p. 123; KPZ8b, p. 55; ANMB, pp. 230-31; HSE4, p. 69; SLZ, p. 457. 1343 “...Karaman cānibine doğrı inmişler ve çekilüb ‘Âsitān-ı Şāh-ı kerem’ diyū diyār-ı Rūm’a vusūl bulmuşlar.” ALI, p. 929. 1344 TSA, document E. 2667, partly published in ULCY1, pp. 71-2, footnote 24. According to Uluçay’s interpretation of this document, which is a letter of Ahmed, Ali Pasha arrived Kızılkaya on Rebī 18, 917. This interpretation seems, however, not reasonable for two days later Şahkulu was in Alaşehir. 1345 MNB, p. 431. 1346 HSE4, p. 61; TNSB, p. 255; MNB, p. 431. 401
soldiers behind; 1347 he chose 500 janissaries 1348 and mounted them on horses. In addition, some cavalrymen from Karaman and Rum soldiers also joined him. Ali Pasha left Ahmed behind 1349 and followed Şahkulu with these few soldiers. 1350 Şahkulu moved westward. But Ali Pasha managed to catch the rebels in Çubuk near Sivas. 1351 Kemalpaşazāde states that the rebels were exhausted and were not inclined to fight with Ali Pasha. But realizing that the soldiers of Ali Pasha were fewer than the half of them they decided to fight. 1352 Furthermore, Ali Pasha did not wait to summon whole of his soldiers, but immediately assaulted Şahkulu on Rebī II 5, 917 (July 2, 1511). 1353 This improvidence, however, would cost him his life. 1354 The battle 1347 His words as reformulated in Celalzāde’s Selimnāme shows how he underestimated and despised qizilbashes: “...Kendü emsāli mukārin ve musāhipleri ile ittifāk itdiler ki ardına düşdüğümüz düşmene ne i’tibār, bir bölük murdār cimrīler, Türkler, Kızılbaşlardur, kaçdılar. Hemān piyāde olan yeniçerilerden bir mikdārını atlandurup müfsīdleri kaçurmıyalum, deyü tedbir itdiler...” CLZ, p. 132. KPZ’s account sheds light to the psychology of Ali Pasha: “Haber geldi ki ol gümrāhlar Karaman cānibine hücūm idüb Haydar Paşa ile olan askerle mukābil olub, ol iki bin kişi tārumār olub, Haydar Paşa şehādet mertebesin bulur. Ali Paşa bu haberi işidicek şikārın aldırmış şāhin gibi serm-sār düşer, fi’l-hāl kapu halkından ve Yeniçeri tāifesinden ve sāir erbāb-ı timardan ılgara iktidarı olanı cem’ ider, mezkūrların ‘akablarınca kovub...” See KPZ8b, p. 54. 1348 According to ALI 1.000 janissaries. 1349 TSA, document E. 2667. Partly published in ULCY1, pp. 71-2, footnote, 24. According to a letter of Ahmed, he killed the rest of qizilbashes who took shelter on the mountains: “…badehu bu muhibleri Hisardağı demekle puhte ki suubetle meşhurdur ol bi-dinin bazı feceresi ana sığınmışlar imiş ve andan gayrı bir nice puhtelerin fethine birkaç gün tevakkuf edüb bi-inayetillahi teala hüdavendigar devletinde feth olunub cümle puhteler ve perakende dağlarda tutulan üç bin mikdarı kızılbaş melayin kılıçdan geçdikden sonra…” TSA, document E. 3062. ALI says, Ahmed returned to his province since he was disappointed with the disobedience of kuls (kapu halkı). See ALI, p. 929. 1350 Prince Ahmed killed some qizilbashes left on Hisardağı and moved to Afyon with the rest of army. ULCY1, p. 72; TNSB, p. 255. 1351 ULCY1, p. 72. KPZ mentions this place as Sarmısaklı while Idris-i Bitlisī, HSE, and MNB recount as Gökçay, and ALI as Sarmaşlık. See KPZ8b, p. 54; IDR, p. 88; HSE4, p. 61; ALI, p. 929; MNB, p.431. SLZ recites as Gökhan. See SLZ1, p. 453. 1352 KPZ8b, p. 54. 1353 ULCY1, p. 72. Consider also CLZ, pp. 133-4. 1354 “...Milk-i Rūma düstūr-ı vakūr iken nā-dānlıkla birkaç meşhūr cimrinin elinde helāk, eyvān-ı felekāşiyān-ı Osmānīde Asaf-mekān iken, bilmezlikle birkaç bī-din ü bī-insāfların destinde pāymāl-ı kabza-i hāk oldı...” CLZ, p. 136. HSE depics the death of Ali Pasha in hands of qizilbashes in quite an ironic manner: “Yer yer Paşamız düşman ile idüb cengi, Gör şehid oldı en sonunda Ali gibi. Ali’nin dostlarıyız dirken ol lānetlikler, Ali’yi öldürmeye bunca çaba itdiler. Sevgiden dostluktan ururken bunca lafı, 402
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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ABSTRACT TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPI
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ÖZET ĐKĐ ĐMPARATORLUK ARASINDA
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before everything
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA Eskandar B
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Selim-nâme Literature, Berlin: Kla
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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Source mate
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………
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8.4. The Persecution of Anatolian Q
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and feeding the qizilbash sentiment
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Needless to say, the emergence, mol
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accumulation of power soon made the
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glories of the Ottoman army. Toward
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in the second half of the sixteenth
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the role of the Sufis of Lāhijan i
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Çağatay Uluçay’s three article
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Lastly, as for the main characteris
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no.790. The whole collection has be
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of this last section is open to spe
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struggle between two powers is refl
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Selim to the throne in April 24, 15
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Apart from these Selim-nāmes, Hayd
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1.2.2. Safavid Sources The Safavid
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above. More interesting is that the
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1.2.3. Italian Sources When Shah Is
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CHAPTER II A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
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settled tribes in several parts of
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were alien. These sedentary neighbo
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So, in Barfield’s terminology, th
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elations on kinship basis. 105 The
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a map of real blood bonds. He notif
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economic dependence on non-tribal s
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Furthermore, the office, an imperso
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shown, for the purpose of the prese
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in tribal or sub-tribal societies b
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community to whom he/she belongs. I
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One other substantial basis subsidi
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along with many other historians an
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Let us rob them together. But if yo
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ureaucracy, and sophisticated socia
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One may safely argue that the proce
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transformation of the beylik from t
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interconnected, for the tribal warr
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groups merged in time and turned in
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On the other hand, reliable sources
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end of the fourteenth century or in
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hagiographies 203 genuinely reflect
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Turkoman begs. On one occasion Osma
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Umur and said, “From now on call
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friend of Kızıldeli amongst the f
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creed was a syncretism composed of
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ather it merged into the Bektashi O
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One should note that in the late th
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Indeed, in the first half of the fo
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Turkoman warriors to Osman’s ento
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Ottomans took advantage of sedentar
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organized on tribal basis, but loya
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army. Orhan learns the method from
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the Turkish language and culture. A
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One should also note that the Janis
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dynasty. 277 Aşıkpaşazāde’s e
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3.2.2. The Rise of the Ottoman Elit
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and other danişmends as immediate
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Comes either for a hope of a minist
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statesmen appeared in the course of
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the realm” or “nizām-ı ālem
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As Đnalcık formulized long ago, t
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made it difficult to govern them. 3
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paradoxically constitutes one of th
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useless, even harmful, act and rega
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to transform the state still bearin
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to obey the law, Rüstem, replies:
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Most of the events mentioned in the
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period, and tribal chiefs. However,
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of the empire; their loyal akıncı
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of foremost akıncı dynasties like
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historians employ the term ‘Türk
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transformed into modest ‘re’āy
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Turgutlu tribe. 365 As will be deli
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the death of Kasım Beg, his comman
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Contemporary sources clearly indica
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As already delineated, Mehmed II fi
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3.4. CONCLUSION By the second half
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CHAPTER IV TURKOMANS AND THE SAFAVI
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write a satisfactory history of the
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Safa offers plentiful information a
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lessings of His Holy Exhalations!)
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“région turcophone”. 432 Despi
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dignity of Aaron (Hārūn) the magn
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prisoners, upon becoming Safavid di
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siege, Timur’s forces managed to
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far. 469 During Shaykh Ibrahim’s
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4.2. SHAYKH JUNAYD (1447-1460): TUR
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to Shah Ismail and his descendants.
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devoted to explaining how this tran
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einforced by marrying with the daug
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Mohammedan law, oppressing learned
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A comprehensive risāle preserved i
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according to the anonymous writer,
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the following pages I will analyze,
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Shaikh Safī’s children, the whol
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literature, which is summarized abo
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Ardabil and with his disciples in o
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historians that the Ottomans dispat
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on Erzincan and Sivas; the latter,
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that the copied books were availabl
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of the four true sects, in which sh
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Haydar, and Shah Ismā’īl merely
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However, the foot-prints of this do
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mastership or merit in Sufism. Furt
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strong foot-hold among them. Warrio
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danger only by leaving behind all h
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first in 1335 and second in 1348. 5
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So, putting these two facts togethe
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4.2.4.5. The Aqqoyunlu Palace: Legi
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Junayd to legitimize his already em
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manner against Shaykh Junayd, but h
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4.3. SHAYKH HAYDAR (1460-1488): THE
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tune down the devoted extremism tha
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subjects.” 649 Khunjī goes furth
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was the customary gear in those day
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was in 1484 and the Shaykh’s real
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Then Farruhyasar finished his lette
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avoid one’s fate.” 692 Likewise
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“especially [with] his lieutenant
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‘savage-like’ pastoral nomads a
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looked upon the shaykh as their qib
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Despites all his sunni biases, his
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during the Haydar’s term as well.
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temporal and spiritual authority; t
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‘new’ here is nothing other tha
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5.1. THE CONCEALMENT PERIOD: PREPER
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in 1493, he welcomed them in Tabriz
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other things, but since they were n
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his enemies with 300 qizilbash devo
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Ismail stayed approximately four an
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maintaining the communication and n
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5.1.3. The Advent (Hurūj) of Ismai
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account; but mistakenly narrates as
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The anonymous author then recites t
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servants to bring his own sword, wh
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would conquer all Iran and Azarbaij
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5.2. ISMAIL’S ASCENDANCE TO POWER
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eği kaçdı. Tebriz’i yağma etd
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of Jahanshah Karakoyunlu, in Gökç
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communication between fighting qizi
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Abdi Beg Shamlu with 200 and 300 fi
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quelques caractéristiques typiquem
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eign of Shah Ismail, married the si
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traditional structure, who were not
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arriving group (tribe or oymaq) and
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ody of the Safavid army. Each han a
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power. 934 By pretending so, Ismail
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such as Muhammad Han Ustaclu, Abdi
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education and training, their privi
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father of Muhammad Han Ustaclu, fel
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5.2.3. Ismail’s Second War: the T
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Alvand Mirza barely managed to flee
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Muhammad Zakariya, who had been the
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not one of them alive!” 987 As Br
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those great āmirs during both batt
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kurmışlardı. Zalām-ı şām-ı
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a messenger to the governor of Siva
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Eyle olsa ol taifenin hakikat-i hā
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Zamanla akrabası demin dava etmekd
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communication with the other side,
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terms usually nomadic tribes becaus
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Kemalpaşazāde reports that some o
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were confused about the disciples o
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villages became devoid of people. 1
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evenue sources remained the same. A
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Side (Şark Cānibi), i.e. Iran. 10
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argues that the real reason of Isma
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Nonetheless, the connection between
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the Ottoman Empire 1086 , to protes
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capture some principal Dulkadir for
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who was found on the way going to I
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military measures in eastern provin
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confront Ismail’s forces. 1117 Ho
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The Ottomans, on the other hand, ke
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not the Ottomans. This being the ca
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ground for the enthronement of Seli
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stratified social structure on top
Page 369 and 370: According to the Ottoman court hist
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Page 387 and 388: According to Hasan-ı Rumlu, Şahku
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Page 393 and 394: We learn from this document that Ş
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Page 397 and 398: the framework of the Ottoman domest
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Page 401 and 402: Kızıloğlu, Köleoğlu, Mehmed Be
Page 403 and 404: eport that Şahkulu’s force was r
Page 405 and 406: At the beginning, Şahkulu gathered
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Page 409 and 410: successfully created a revolutionar
Page 411 and 412: to convince the head of the Janissa
Page 413 and 414: against his two brothers. Ahmed dem
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Page 417 and 418: strongly believed in suppressing th
Page 419: arrival of a messenger from the Por
Page 423 and 424: he was not killed and did not go to
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Page 427 and 428: the otaga on and prostrated ‘acco
Page 429 and 430: As for the first one, one may attri
Page 431 and 432: Kütahya seems to be the turning po
Page 433 and 434: Show me a small corner of hospice s
Page 435 and 436: CHAPTER VII THE QIZILBASH FACTOR IN
Page 437 and 438: Although one might partially attrib
Page 439 and 440: diplomacy and some other with coerc
Page 441 and 442: 7.1.3. Second Confrontation: Assaul
Page 443 and 444: olub ol senkīn kayalardan çıkub,
Page 445 and 446: Another aspect of Selim-Ismail stru
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Page 449 and 450: was at the same time regarded as th
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Page 455 and 456: should be remembered that Ahmed was
Page 457 and 458: Vizier Ali Pasha was assigned to su
Page 459 and 460: August 3, 1511 (Cemāzī I 8, 911).
Page 461 and 462: not yet attached to Qizilbash movem
Page 463 and 464: would be the next sultan, their est
Page 465 and 466: and old age while his subjects fell
Page 467 and 468: Istanbul throughout his journey. As
Page 469 and 470: an oath that they would accept the
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But the most effective branch of Ot
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sultan 1551 , the Janissaries’ di
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Ahmed began to behave as if he had
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instead of Amasya can be accounted
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however, different. After Selim pro
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were the champions of the oppositio
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Janissaries, there was another mili
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Taceddin Beg, who was the Karaman B
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ve yardım ona kılsun kim inşaall
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7.2.3. Prince Murad, Nur Ali Khalif
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qizilbashes of Anatolia had conside
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Sultan Ahmed sent troops against th
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According to Idrīs, and some other
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Shah. Celalzāde says, on the other
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included him in his suit. Then they
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yağmaladıkları mukarrer. Sultan
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governor of Sivas. 1639 So Kemalpa
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meantime, two Safavid khalifs, Şah
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ādem cem’ idüb Sultan Musa üze
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Mehmed’s letter clarifies two cru
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Şadi Beg says that Ismail warned D
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next spring. The qizilbash propagan
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Dulkadir. 1679 Of course Taş-ili,
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this idea and tore the letter from
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CHAPTER VIII ÇALDIRAN, 1514: THE A
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disclaim their tendency since the o
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strong public expectations indicate
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saru renkden ihtirāz olundığı g
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group. Indeed, the Ottoman sultans
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Selim-nāme authors unanimously nar
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Selim, as reflected in Şükrī’s
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Idrīs also emphasizes this point a
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advises Sultan Selim that the ‘re
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he blamed the statesmen and the sch
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also appears another word which wou
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Solakzāde states that Ismail made
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their opinion about the legitimacy
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to the statesmen as participants of
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the qizilbashes and dispersing them
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sentiments among the Ottoman elite
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it repeats the name of the author,
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about the identity of Hamza. He cla
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or ‘Mevlāna Arab’. 1786 His fa
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mission for himself. Taşköprizād
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fanatic anti-qizilbash stand was li
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already discussed the despising att
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of ulemā must have written fetvās
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that Süleyman I waged a campaign o
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damned until doomsday.” 1817 Then
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population. 1821 Although this rati
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the people to be killed. The number
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egister, he would be aware of the s
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Lütfi Çelebi veled-i Bazarluoğlu
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Dülbendbastı Ali Amasiyye Ahmed .
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qizilbash movements, and those who
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Kasım (?) Karye-i Hallar Torul cen
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joining Shah Ismail’s suite durin
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ut also from its content reflecting
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to the faces of Muslims, fused the
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Rumelia to Anatolia where they coop
Page 591 and 592:
however, provisional anxieties were
Page 593 and 594:
my intentions in the beginning of m
Page 595 and 596:
Ismail’s letter annoyed Selim so
Page 597 and 598:
hunger and thirst! 1900 The situati
Page 599 and 600:
Then Sultan Selim favored this sugg
Page 601 and 602:
efore the Ottomans had time to comp
Page 603 and 604:
miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni
Page 605 and 606:
made to marry Tāc-zāde Cafer Chel
Page 607 and 608:
CHAPTER IX THE AFTERMATH: THE WANIN
Page 609 and 610:
important consequence was that it b
Page 611 and 612:
defeat of Çaldıran, the qizilbash
Page 613 and 614:
These contemporary accounts clearly
Page 615 and 616:
abandoned in practice their unquest
Page 617 and 618:
depersonalization of political auth
Page 619 and 620:
development marked a decisive step
Page 621 and 622:
Khalifa, just like the office of ā
Page 623 and 624:
Muhammad Hudabende; the post of lal
Page 625 and 626:
success emerged. Nonetheless, none
Page 627 and 628:
Temam, when Sultan Selim proceeded
Page 629 and 630:
community within the Ottoman Empire
Page 631 and 632:
egion. 2016 Thenceforth, ‘unortho
Page 633 and 634:
the fading of the political and mil
Page 635 and 636:
lead. 2024 The vakıf of the tekke
Page 637 and 638:
administration tolerated and even e
Page 639 and 640:
social units maintaining a low degr
Page 641 and 642:
CHAPTER X CONCLUSION In the broades
Page 643 and 644:
is obvious that the expansion of th
Page 645 and 646:
synthesized at the cross-section of
Page 647 and 648:
as major ‘qizilbash zones’ and
Page 649 and 650:
territories, from then on the qizil
Page 651 and 652:
Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenārī eş-ş
Page 653 and 654:
Feridun Bey, Münşeât-ı Selātin
Page 655 and 656:
Menâkıb-ı Sultan Bayezid Han, Bi
Page 657 and 658:
Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Die altosmani
Page 659 and 660:
Aslanoğlu, Đbrahim, Şah Đsmail
Page 661 and 662:
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis, “Sa
Page 663 and 664:
Baykara, Tuncay, “Yatağan’da A
Page 665 and 666:
Cahen, Claude, “Le problème du S
Page 667 and 668:
Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik
Page 669 and 670:
Fisher, Sydney Nettleton,The Foreig
Page 671 and 672:
Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki, “Fazlu
Page 673 and 674:
Đnalcık, Halil, "Osmanlılar’da
Page 675 and 676:
and Society, Bloomington: Indiana U
Page 677 and 678:
Kissling, “Osmanlı Đmparatorlu
Page 679 and 680:
Lindner, Rudi Paul, Nomads and Otto
Page 681 and 682:
Mélikoff, Irène, “La Montagne e
Page 683 and 684:
Newman, Andrew, “The Myth of Cler
Page 685 and 686:
Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, “Syncrétisme
Page 687 and 688:
Pastoral Production and Societies,
Page 689 and 690:
Sarıkaya, Saffet, XIII-XVI. Asırl
Page 691 and 692:
Stephane Yérasimos, La Foundation
Page 693 and 694:
Tapper, Richard, “Anthropologists
Page 695 and 696:
Ünal, Mehmet Ali, XVI. Yüzyılda
Page 697 and 698:
APPENDIX A: CHRONOLOGY 1326 The dea
Page 699 and 700:
1505 Ismail's ambassador in Istanbu
Page 701 and 702:
APPENDIX B: A SELECT LIST OF DOCUME
Page 703 and 704:
E 5483 Halep Melikü'l-ümerası Ha
Page 705 and 706:
E 6384 Sadi Paşa'nın isyancılar
Page 707 and 708:
E 8350 E 8505 E 8758 E 8922 E 8923
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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