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is certain from the available sources is that it was written by Mevlāna Mürşid-i ‘Acem somewhere between Izmit and Erzincan. Its full text is available in the Münşeat of Feridun Bey and Ruznāme of Haydar Çelebi. 1883 It repeats the content of the first letter authored by Tāci-zāde Cafer. The third letter of Selim was written in Erzincan in mid- August 1514 (Evāhir-i Cemāzi II, 920) shortly before the arrival of Ismail’s answer to his first two letters. 1884 Selim’s last two letters which were written in Turkish were recognizably different from the first two ones in terms of style and content. These two letters were far beyond the diplomatic language and the international rules of diplomacy. On the contrary, they were written in a somewhat arrogant, despising, and insulting style. Selim’s aim by these letters was evidently to provoke Ismail to battle as soon as possible. 1885 The apparently despising attitude of Selim comes out immediately in the introduction of the third letter. He totally abandons the customary way of diplomatica by not using any epithet before the name of Ismail; rather addresses Ismail by simply his name that “Ismail Bahadır”. Then comes a wish, or demand from the God (dua), which was as despising as the addressing was: “Eslahallahu şāneh” meaning “shall God improve his fame”. 1886 Then the letter starts by reminding the heretical status of Ismail according to the Sunni religious scholars who also unanimously sanctioned the execution of all the qizilbashes for the sake of Islam. Then Selim affirms that according to the already reached decision of ulemā he waged war and that he is resolute to finish this affair. He reminds his former letters in an insulting manner that “I have explained 1883 See Feridun Bey, pp. 354-5; Ruznāme, Manuscript in Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi, R. 1955. 1884 Feridun Bey, p. 356; HYDR, p. 46. 1885 As delineated above, Janissaries had already begun to speak loudly about the fruitlessness of such a march without enemy. 1886 IDRS, p. 151; CLZ, p. 227; Feridun Bey, p. 355; Lütfi Paşa, p. 213; HYDR, pp. 44. 573
my intentions in the beginning of my campaign so that you would not say that you could not find enough time to prepare for a just war!” 1887 Selim continues despising, “although I have already informed you on my campaign and although I have been in your country since tens of days, no sign of your presence appeared yet. There seems no difference between your existence and absence!” His following words are pretty heavy for a ruler to be addressed: Kılıç da’vasın idenlerin siper gibi belālara göğüs germek dāyim pīşesi, serverlik sevdāsında olanların zahm-i tīğ u teberden sırtartmamak her nefes endişesi olmak gerek. … Hazer selāmetde perde nişīnlik ihtiyār idenlere erlik adı hata, ölümden korkan kimesnelere ata binmek ve kılıç kuşanmak nā-sezādır. Hāliya bu mesābede ihtifā ve bu derecede zāviye-i hamūlede inzivā ki sebeb ağleb-i ihtimal kesret-i leşker-i bī-kıyasdan istīlā-yı ru’b u hirāsdır, imdi bu ma’nānın izālesi içün asker-i zafer-rehberden kırk bin mikdārı er ifrāz olunub Kayseriyye ile Sivas mābeyninde ikāmet emrolunmuşdur. Hasma irhā-yı ‘inān, tevsi’-i dāyire-i meydān bu denlü olur, bundan artuk olmaz. 1888 Eğer zātında fi’l-cümle gayret ü hamiyyetden şemme vü eser var ise gelüb asākir-i nusret-me’āsire mukābil olasın. Ezel-i āzālde mukadder olan her ne ise ma’raz-ı bürūzda cilve-gir ola. 1889 Not long after the dispatch of this letter, the envoy of Ismail carrying his letter arrived in the Ottoman camp in Yassıçemen. 1890 With this envoy Ismail sent not only the answer to Selim’s former letters but also two mocking symbols as well: a pot (hokka) and a paste (macun). 1891 Ismail’s answer evidently aimed to calm the tension down. 1887 IDRS, p. 151; CLZ, p. 227; Feridun Bey, p. 356; Lütfi Paşa, p. 214; HYDR, p. 46. 1888 Of course this was not the real reason; rather Selim was ridiculing in order to provoke Ismail’s pride. As already delineated, Selim’s concern in dividing his army was two-fold: on one hand, serious provisional risks appeared since Ustaclu Muhammed Han already pillaged the region from Sivas to Erzincan; on the other hand, those ‘weak’ soldiers were commissioned to protect any qizilbash attack from the rear. For a similar approach see TNSS, p. 43. 1889 IDRS, pp. 151-2; CLZ, pp. 227-228; Feridun Bey, pp. 355-6; HYDR, pp. 44-46; Lütfi Paşa, pp. 215-6; HSE4, pp. 186-7. A summary version of this letter is included also in SLZ2, pp. 18-9. 1890 On June 17. See HSE4, p. 185; ALI, p. 1091. In Tacu’t-tevārih Selim’s first Turkish letter is mentioned after the narration of the arrival of Ismail’s envoy with his letter in reply. However, in Ismail’s letter there are discernable references to this letter (the third letter of Selim). Selim’s last letter, on the other hand, clearly refers to Ismail’s answer. Thus, Ismail’s answer must have arrived to the Ottoman camp between the two Turkish letters of Selim. 1891 IDRS, p. 152; CLZ, p. 229; SKB, pp. 149-50 ; ALI, p. 1091 ; MNB, p. 458. These presents were certainly a part of an arrogant and aggressive diplomacy between the two monarchs. Before the arrival of the Shah’s presents, as ALI says, Sultan Selim had already sent women and dervish clothes to Ismail insulting the masculinity of the Shah on one hand and reminding his humble dervish origin on the other. 574
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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ABSTRACT TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPI
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ÖZET ĐKĐ ĐMPARATORLUK ARASINDA
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before everything
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA Eskandar B
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Selim-nâme Literature, Berlin: Kla
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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Source mate
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………
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8.4. The Persecution of Anatolian Q
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and feeding the qizilbash sentiment
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Needless to say, the emergence, mol
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accumulation of power soon made the
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glories of the Ottoman army. Toward
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in the second half of the sixteenth
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the role of the Sufis of Lāhijan i
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Çağatay Uluçay’s three article
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Lastly, as for the main characteris
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no.790. The whole collection has be
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of this last section is open to spe
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struggle between two powers is refl
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Selim to the throne in April 24, 15
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Apart from these Selim-nāmes, Hayd
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1.2.2. Safavid Sources The Safavid
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above. More interesting is that the
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1.2.3. Italian Sources When Shah Is
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CHAPTER II A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
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settled tribes in several parts of
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were alien. These sedentary neighbo
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So, in Barfield’s terminology, th
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elations on kinship basis. 105 The
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a map of real blood bonds. He notif
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economic dependence on non-tribal s
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Furthermore, the office, an imperso
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shown, for the purpose of the prese
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in tribal or sub-tribal societies b
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community to whom he/she belongs. I
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One other substantial basis subsidi
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along with many other historians an
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Let us rob them together. But if yo
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ureaucracy, and sophisticated socia
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One may safely argue that the proce
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transformation of the beylik from t
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interconnected, for the tribal warr
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groups merged in time and turned in
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On the other hand, reliable sources
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end of the fourteenth century or in
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hagiographies 203 genuinely reflect
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Turkoman begs. On one occasion Osma
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Umur and said, “From now on call
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friend of Kızıldeli amongst the f
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creed was a syncretism composed of
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ather it merged into the Bektashi O
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One should note that in the late th
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Indeed, in the first half of the fo
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Turkoman warriors to Osman’s ento
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Ottomans took advantage of sedentar
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organized on tribal basis, but loya
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army. Orhan learns the method from
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the Turkish language and culture. A
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One should also note that the Janis
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dynasty. 277 Aşıkpaşazāde’s e
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3.2.2. The Rise of the Ottoman Elit
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and other danişmends as immediate
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Comes either for a hope of a minist
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statesmen appeared in the course of
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the realm” or “nizām-ı ālem
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As Đnalcık formulized long ago, t
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made it difficult to govern them. 3
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paradoxically constitutes one of th
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useless, even harmful, act and rega
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to transform the state still bearin
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to obey the law, Rüstem, replies:
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Most of the events mentioned in the
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period, and tribal chiefs. However,
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of the empire; their loyal akıncı
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of foremost akıncı dynasties like
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historians employ the term ‘Türk
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transformed into modest ‘re’āy
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Turgutlu tribe. 365 As will be deli
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the death of Kasım Beg, his comman
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Contemporary sources clearly indica
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As already delineated, Mehmed II fi
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3.4. CONCLUSION By the second half
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CHAPTER IV TURKOMANS AND THE SAFAVI
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write a satisfactory history of the
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Safa offers plentiful information a
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lessings of His Holy Exhalations!)
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“région turcophone”. 432 Despi
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dignity of Aaron (Hārūn) the magn
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prisoners, upon becoming Safavid di
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siege, Timur’s forces managed to
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far. 469 During Shaykh Ibrahim’s
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4.2. SHAYKH JUNAYD (1447-1460): TUR
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to Shah Ismail and his descendants.
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devoted to explaining how this tran
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einforced by marrying with the daug
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Mohammedan law, oppressing learned
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A comprehensive risāle preserved i
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according to the anonymous writer,
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the following pages I will analyze,
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Shaikh Safī’s children, the whol
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literature, which is summarized abo
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Ardabil and with his disciples in o
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historians that the Ottomans dispat
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on Erzincan and Sivas; the latter,
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that the copied books were availabl
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of the four true sects, in which sh
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Haydar, and Shah Ismā’īl merely
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However, the foot-prints of this do
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mastership or merit in Sufism. Furt
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strong foot-hold among them. Warrio
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danger only by leaving behind all h
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first in 1335 and second in 1348. 5
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So, putting these two facts togethe
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4.2.4.5. The Aqqoyunlu Palace: Legi
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Junayd to legitimize his already em
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manner against Shaykh Junayd, but h
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4.3. SHAYKH HAYDAR (1460-1488): THE
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tune down the devoted extremism tha
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subjects.” 649 Khunjī goes furth
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was the customary gear in those day
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was in 1484 and the Shaykh’s real
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Then Farruhyasar finished his lette
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avoid one’s fate.” 692 Likewise
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“especially [with] his lieutenant
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‘savage-like’ pastoral nomads a
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looked upon the shaykh as their qib
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Despites all his sunni biases, his
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during the Haydar’s term as well.
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temporal and spiritual authority; t
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‘new’ here is nothing other tha
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5.1. THE CONCEALMENT PERIOD: PREPER
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in 1493, he welcomed them in Tabriz
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other things, but since they were n
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his enemies with 300 qizilbash devo
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Ismail stayed approximately four an
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maintaining the communication and n
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5.1.3. The Advent (Hurūj) of Ismai
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account; but mistakenly narrates as
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The anonymous author then recites t
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servants to bring his own sword, wh
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would conquer all Iran and Azarbaij
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5.2. ISMAIL’S ASCENDANCE TO POWER
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eği kaçdı. Tebriz’i yağma etd
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of Jahanshah Karakoyunlu, in Gökç
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communication between fighting qizi
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Abdi Beg Shamlu with 200 and 300 fi
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quelques caractéristiques typiquem
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eign of Shah Ismail, married the si
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traditional structure, who were not
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arriving group (tribe or oymaq) and
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ody of the Safavid army. Each han a
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power. 934 By pretending so, Ismail
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such as Muhammad Han Ustaclu, Abdi
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education and training, their privi
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father of Muhammad Han Ustaclu, fel
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5.2.3. Ismail’s Second War: the T
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Alvand Mirza barely managed to flee
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Muhammad Zakariya, who had been the
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not one of them alive!” 987 As Br
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those great āmirs during both batt
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kurmışlardı. Zalām-ı şām-ı
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a messenger to the governor of Siva
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Eyle olsa ol taifenin hakikat-i hā
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Zamanla akrabası demin dava etmekd
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communication with the other side,
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terms usually nomadic tribes becaus
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Kemalpaşazāde reports that some o
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were confused about the disciples o
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villages became devoid of people. 1
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evenue sources remained the same. A
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Side (Şark Cānibi), i.e. Iran. 10
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argues that the real reason of Isma
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Nonetheless, the connection between
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the Ottoman Empire 1086 , to protes
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capture some principal Dulkadir for
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who was found on the way going to I
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military measures in eastern provin
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confront Ismail’s forces. 1117 Ho
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The Ottomans, on the other hand, ke
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not the Ottomans. This being the ca
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ground for the enthronement of Seli
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stratified social structure on top
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According to the Ottoman court hist
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doomsday’. 1158 The people of Ana
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igorously deem both Ismail and the
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the command of Karagöz Pasha and s
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Ottoman realm had totally vanished;
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only the temporal benefits offered
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is that they set fire to even cāmi
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messianism. 1203 It is not coincide
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to the aforesaid Il he performed ma
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According to Hasan-ı Rumlu, Şahku
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sermon. During his sermon the shayk
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of the Order. One feels legitimized
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We learn from this document that Ş
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khalifas, launch a campaign on Otto
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the framework of the Ottoman domest
Page 399 and 400:
disease and fell devoid of timar.
Page 401 and 402:
Kızıloğlu, Köleoğlu, Mehmed Be
Page 403 and 404:
eport that Şahkulu’s force was r
Page 405 and 406:
At the beginning, Şahkulu gathered
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the rebellion clearly reveal his ul
Page 409 and 410:
successfully created a revolutionar
Page 411 and 412:
to convince the head of the Janissa
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against his two brothers. Ahmed dem
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governors and of Karagöz Pasha, bu
Page 417 and 418:
strongly believed in suppressing th
Page 419 and 420:
arrival of a messenger from the Por
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soldiers behind; 1347 he chose 500
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he was not killed and did not go to
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and arrived there before the Anatol
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the otaga on and prostrated ‘acco
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As for the first one, one may attri
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Kütahya seems to be the turning po
Page 433 and 434:
Show me a small corner of hospice s
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CHAPTER VII THE QIZILBASH FACTOR IN
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Although one might partially attrib
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diplomacy and some other with coerc
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7.1.3. Second Confrontation: Assaul
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olub ol senkīn kayalardan çıkub,
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Another aspect of Selim-Ismail stru
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was appointed as governor of Kefe.
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was at the same time regarded as th
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Ahmed in such a degree that Ahmed
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that his valuable activities were n
Page 455 and 456:
should be remembered that Ahmed was
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Vizier Ali Pasha was assigned to su
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August 3, 1511 (Cemāzī I 8, 911).
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not yet attached to Qizilbash movem
Page 463 and 464:
would be the next sultan, their est
Page 465 and 466:
and old age while his subjects fell
Page 467 and 468:
Istanbul throughout his journey. As
Page 469 and 470:
an oath that they would accept the
Page 471 and 472:
But the most effective branch of Ot
Page 473 and 474:
sultan 1551 , the Janissaries’ di
Page 475 and 476:
Ahmed began to behave as if he had
Page 477 and 478:
instead of Amasya can be accounted
Page 479 and 480:
however, different. After Selim pro
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were the champions of the oppositio
Page 483 and 484:
Janissaries, there was another mili
Page 485 and 486:
Taceddin Beg, who was the Karaman B
Page 487 and 488:
ve yardım ona kılsun kim inşaall
Page 489 and 490:
7.2.3. Prince Murad, Nur Ali Khalif
Page 491 and 492:
qizilbashes of Anatolia had conside
Page 493 and 494:
Sultan Ahmed sent troops against th
Page 495 and 496:
According to Idrīs, and some other
Page 497 and 498:
Shah. Celalzāde says, on the other
Page 499 and 500:
included him in his suit. Then they
Page 501 and 502:
yağmaladıkları mukarrer. Sultan
Page 503 and 504:
governor of Sivas. 1639 So Kemalpa
Page 505 and 506:
meantime, two Safavid khalifs, Şah
Page 507 and 508:
ādem cem’ idüb Sultan Musa üze
Page 509 and 510:
Mehmed’s letter clarifies two cru
Page 511 and 512:
Şadi Beg says that Ismail warned D
Page 513 and 514:
next spring. The qizilbash propagan
Page 515 and 516:
Dulkadir. 1679 Of course Taş-ili,
Page 517 and 518:
this idea and tore the letter from
Page 519 and 520:
CHAPTER VIII ÇALDIRAN, 1514: THE A
Page 521 and 522:
disclaim their tendency since the o
Page 523 and 524:
strong public expectations indicate
Page 525 and 526:
saru renkden ihtirāz olundığı g
Page 527 and 528:
group. Indeed, the Ottoman sultans
Page 529 and 530:
Selim-nāme authors unanimously nar
Page 531 and 532:
Selim, as reflected in Şükrī’s
Page 533 and 534:
Idrīs also emphasizes this point a
Page 535 and 536:
advises Sultan Selim that the ‘re
Page 537 and 538:
he blamed the statesmen and the sch
Page 539 and 540:
also appears another word which wou
Page 541 and 542: Solakzāde states that Ismail made
Page 543 and 544: their opinion about the legitimacy
Page 545 and 546: to the statesmen as participants of
Page 547 and 548: the qizilbashes and dispersing them
Page 549 and 550: sentiments among the Ottoman elite
Page 551 and 552: it repeats the name of the author,
Page 553 and 554: about the identity of Hamza. He cla
Page 555 and 556: or ‘Mevlāna Arab’. 1786 His fa
Page 557 and 558: mission for himself. Taşköprizād
Page 559 and 560: fanatic anti-qizilbash stand was li
Page 561 and 562: already discussed the despising att
Page 563 and 564: of ulemā must have written fetvās
Page 565 and 566: that Süleyman I waged a campaign o
Page 567 and 568: damned until doomsday.” 1817 Then
Page 569 and 570: population. 1821 Although this rati
Page 571 and 572: the people to be killed. The number
Page 573 and 574: egister, he would be aware of the s
Page 575 and 576: Lütfi Çelebi veled-i Bazarluoğlu
Page 577 and 578: Dülbendbastı Ali Amasiyye Ahmed .
Page 579 and 580: qizilbash movements, and those who
Page 581 and 582: Kasım (?) Karye-i Hallar Torul cen
Page 583 and 584: joining Shah Ismail’s suite durin
Page 585 and 586: ut also from its content reflecting
Page 587 and 588: to the faces of Muslims, fused the
Page 589 and 590: Rumelia to Anatolia where they coop
Page 591: however, provisional anxieties were
Page 595 and 596: Ismail’s letter annoyed Selim so
Page 597 and 598: hunger and thirst! 1900 The situati
Page 599 and 600: Then Sultan Selim favored this sugg
Page 601 and 602: efore the Ottomans had time to comp
Page 603 and 604: miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni
Page 605 and 606: made to marry Tāc-zāde Cafer Chel
Page 607 and 608: CHAPTER IX THE AFTERMATH: THE WANIN
Page 609 and 610: important consequence was that it b
Page 611 and 612: defeat of Çaldıran, the qizilbash
Page 613 and 614: These contemporary accounts clearly
Page 615 and 616: abandoned in practice their unquest
Page 617 and 618: depersonalization of political auth
Page 619 and 620: development marked a decisive step
Page 621 and 622: Khalifa, just like the office of ā
Page 623 and 624: Muhammad Hudabende; the post of lal
Page 625 and 626: success emerged. Nonetheless, none
Page 627 and 628: Temam, when Sultan Selim proceeded
Page 629 and 630: community within the Ottoman Empire
Page 631 and 632: egion. 2016 Thenceforth, ‘unortho
Page 633 and 634: the fading of the political and mil
Page 635 and 636: lead. 2024 The vakıf of the tekke
Page 637 and 638: administration tolerated and even e
Page 639 and 640: social units maintaining a low degr
Page 641 and 642: CHAPTER X CONCLUSION In the broades
Page 643 and 644:
is obvious that the expansion of th
Page 645 and 646:
synthesized at the cross-section of
Page 647 and 648:
as major ‘qizilbash zones’ and
Page 649 and 650:
territories, from then on the qizil
Page 651 and 652:
Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenārī eş-ş
Page 653 and 654:
Feridun Bey, Münşeât-ı Selātin
Page 655 and 656:
Menâkıb-ı Sultan Bayezid Han, Bi
Page 657 and 658:
Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Die altosmani
Page 659 and 660:
Aslanoğlu, Đbrahim, Şah Đsmail
Page 661 and 662:
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis, “Sa
Page 663 and 664:
Baykara, Tuncay, “Yatağan’da A
Page 665 and 666:
Cahen, Claude, “Le problème du S
Page 667 and 668:
Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik
Page 669 and 670:
Fisher, Sydney Nettleton,The Foreig
Page 671 and 672:
Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki, “Fazlu
Page 673 and 674:
Đnalcık, Halil, "Osmanlılar’da
Page 675 and 676:
and Society, Bloomington: Indiana U
Page 677 and 678:
Kissling, “Osmanlı Đmparatorlu
Page 679 and 680:
Lindner, Rudi Paul, Nomads and Otto
Page 681 and 682:
Mélikoff, Irène, “La Montagne e
Page 683 and 684:
Newman, Andrew, “The Myth of Cler
Page 685 and 686:
Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, “Syncrétisme
Page 687 and 688:
Pastoral Production and Societies,
Page 689 and 690:
Sarıkaya, Saffet, XIII-XVI. Asırl
Page 691 and 692:
Stephane Yérasimos, La Foundation
Page 693 and 694:
Tapper, Richard, “Anthropologists
Page 695 and 696:
Ünal, Mehmet Ali, XVI. Yüzyılda
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APPENDIX A: CHRONOLOGY 1326 The dea
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1505 Ismail's ambassador in Istanbu
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APPENDIX B: A SELECT LIST OF DOCUME
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E 5483 Halep Melikü'l-ümerası Ha
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E 6384 Sadi Paşa'nın isyancılar
Page 707 and 708:
E 8350 E 8505 E 8758 E 8922 E 8923
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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