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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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Solakzāde states that Ismail made his soldiers wear red-caps after his ascendance<br />

to the throne in Tabriz. And thence his soldiers became famous for the epithet<br />

‘qizilbash’. 1753 Solakzāde does not use this word in the former chapters of his history.<br />

We see similar explanations in other sources as well. A sixteenth-century anonymous<br />

history, for example, cites almost the same story. After capturing Tabriz, Ismail soon<br />

became one of the most majestic rulers of the era. He ordered all his men - his retinues,<br />

his bureaucrats, warriors, adherents of his father and grandfather – and all his subjects<br />

whether they were Muslim or Christian to wear red-caps (kırmızı çuhadan taçlar).<br />

Eventually, his followers and subjects were called ‘kızılbaş’. Ismail’s goal in doing so<br />

was to differentiate his men from the Ottomans. 1754 We know that the word “kızılbaş”<br />

was not initiated by Ismail, but by his father Shaykh Haydar. Then how should we<br />

interpret this false account repeated in relatively independent Ottoman sources? The<br />

answer must somehow be related to the ‘political’ connotation of the word ‘kızılbaş’ in<br />

the Ottoman context. Before appearing as a temporal power, Safavids and their disciples<br />

were simply ‘sufis’ in the eyes of the Ottoman officials. When they turned into a<br />

political rival, the term ‘sufi’ was replaced by ‘kızılbaş’.<br />

It is understood from Ottoman sources that the epithet of ‘qizilbash’ achieved<br />

wide acceptance among Ottomans only after Ismail’s achievement of significant<br />

temporal power. Because of that, this term not only conveyed mystical connotations<br />

such as being spiritual devotees of the Safavid order for which the term ‘sufi’ had been<br />

1753 See SLZ1, pp. 428-9.<br />

1754 See ANMH, p. 39. This anonymous historical document was written in the sixteenth century,<br />

approximately one century before Solakzāde. On the other hand, a careful examination reveals that it<br />

evidently has a different stand from other ottoman chronicles. Thus, though still bearing discernible<br />

familial resemblances with Solakzāde and with other Ottoman chronicles, there are reasons to deem its<br />

account considerably independent than that of the established clichés in the Ottoman historiography of the<br />

sixteenth-century.<br />

522

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