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qizilbashism, the Safavid disciples of the region felt so pleased that in a couple of days more than twenty thousand qizilbash fighters gathered about him. Anatolı cānibinde Sultan Ahmedin muktezā-yı idrāk-i dūni ve müsted’āyı ‘akl-ı zebūnı üzre gördü ki, serīr-i sa’ādet-pezīr-i hākānī vücūd-ı mevdūd-ı sultānī birle ārāste oldı. Lā-büdd yanında olan dūnler tedbir ve tedārik eylediler ki, ol cevānibde olan asker ve sipāhi zarūrī der-i padişahlarına mūti’ ve münkād olurlar. Bu vilāyetlerde kızılbaş tāyifesine nihayet yok, oğullarından birisini kızılbaş idelüm, tāc-ı Şāhī giysün, az zamanda üzerine vāfir kızılbaş cem’ olur. Hazır sipāh u cünūddur. Anlar ile Sultan Selim’e mukabil oluruz deyū tedārik idüb ana binā’en evlād-ı kirāmından büyük oğlı Sultan Murad’ı bu husus içun kasdile kızılbaş tāyifesine mütāba’at ve inkıyād itdürüb, başına tāc-ı surh giyüb āyin-i Đslamı terk itdürdüler. Ol tāyife hürrem-i şād olub evvelden ‘ale’l-hufye ālāt ü esbāb ve kārzārları hāzır idi, hemān hurūc idüb Sultan Murad üzerine ictimā’ eylediler. Birkaç gün içinde üzerine yiğirmi binden ziyāde müsellah āhen-pūş ve div-huruş evbaşlar cem’ oldı. 1610 However, not everything went according to the will and the plan of Ahmed. The qizilbashes gathered around Murad committed so many injustices and outrages against the people that there appeared to be the danger of Ahmed losing the popular support against Selim. Then, he ordered Murad to rid himself of these qizilbashes. But Murad was no longer a sincere follower of his father. 1611 Rather he consulted with a certain Kara Iskender, one of the leading qizilbash khalifas in the region, who was in his suit. Kara Iskender expressed the view that the people would follow those leaders who held power of which Sultan Ahmed no longer had any hope. Therefore, it was only Ismail that the people could turn for refuge. 1612 Within this unexpected situation, Ahmed was not sure about what to do. But qizilbashes continued to tyrannize and plunder the local people in the Province of Rum, especially Sunni population, who demanded help from Ahmed. 1610 CLZ, p. 166. 1611 Selim-nāme, p. 210. 1612 Selim-nāme, p. 210. 473
Sultan Ahmed sent troops against this now unwelcome body of supporters, and in a battle between the two sides Kara Iskender was slain. On hearing this Murad Çelebi did not go to join his father, but moved instead towards Tokat. Shortly before this, Şāh Ismā’īl had sent troops into Anatolia under the command of “Nār Ali” and Tokat was placed under siege; the people of the region were terrorized and made to recognize Şāh Ismā’īl as their ruler. When Murād arrived he joined up with these Kızılbaş troops at Kazova, and together they went to the Şāh. Ismā’īl, however, fearing that the troops were rendering obedience to Murād rather than himself, had him killed. 1613 Celalzāde’s account seems alike but contains some differences. He does not mention the qizilbash outrages. To him, when Murad asked them to offer his father help, the leaders of qizilbash army said that they offered their allegiance since he [Murad] put on tāc-ı Şāhī and chose the qizilbash path; thus, they could move only by the permission of the shah. The qizilbash leaders offered Murad first to go to the shah and take his authorization; if the shah would approve, then they were to provide every kind of support to him and his father. Accordingly, they set off for Iran. When they arrived, however, Murad was murdered and another person was substituted for him. In the meantime, Ahmed was to wait for the possible help from the qizilbash side. 1614 Celalzāde does not mention Nur Ali Khalifa and his military actions. Another contemporary of the events, namely Idrīs-i Bitlisī, describes Nur Ali Khalifa as an agent of Shah Ismail 1615 , who was commissioned to organize the qizilbashes of the Province of Rum and set up an insurrection. Müneccimbaşı broadens this argument. He states that Shah Ismail sent Nureddin [obviously referring to Nur Ali 1613 Selim-nāme, p. 210. It is explained in the following paragraph that at this time Selim was waiting for the arrival of his son from Kefe. When Süleyman arrived, he left him in Istanbul as his deputy, and immediately set out for Ankara. 1614 CLZ, p. 167. 1615 Contemporary Ottoman and Safavid sources leave no doubt that Nur Ali Khalifa was a direct agent of Shah Ismail. Realizing this point, Sohrweide truly argues that the military operation of Nur Ali Khalifa in the Ottoman Province of Rum was the first direct intervention of Shah Ismail in the Ottoman domestic affairs that we definitely know. See Sohrweide, p. 159. 474
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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ABSTRACT TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPI
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ÖZET ĐKĐ ĐMPARATORLUK ARASINDA
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before everything
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA Eskandar B
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Selim-nâme Literature, Berlin: Kla
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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Source mate
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………
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8.4. The Persecution of Anatolian Q
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and feeding the qizilbash sentiment
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Needless to say, the emergence, mol
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accumulation of power soon made the
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glories of the Ottoman army. Toward
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in the second half of the sixteenth
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the role of the Sufis of Lāhijan i
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Çağatay Uluçay’s three article
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Lastly, as for the main characteris
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no.790. The whole collection has be
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of this last section is open to spe
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struggle between two powers is refl
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Selim to the throne in April 24, 15
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Apart from these Selim-nāmes, Hayd
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1.2.2. Safavid Sources The Safavid
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above. More interesting is that the
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1.2.3. Italian Sources When Shah Is
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CHAPTER II A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
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settled tribes in several parts of
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were alien. These sedentary neighbo
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So, in Barfield’s terminology, th
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elations on kinship basis. 105 The
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a map of real blood bonds. He notif
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economic dependence on non-tribal s
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Furthermore, the office, an imperso
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shown, for the purpose of the prese
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in tribal or sub-tribal societies b
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community to whom he/she belongs. I
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One other substantial basis subsidi
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along with many other historians an
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Let us rob them together. But if yo
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ureaucracy, and sophisticated socia
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One may safely argue that the proce
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transformation of the beylik from t
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interconnected, for the tribal warr
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groups merged in time and turned in
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On the other hand, reliable sources
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end of the fourteenth century or in
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hagiographies 203 genuinely reflect
Page 97 and 98:
Turkoman begs. On one occasion Osma
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Umur and said, “From now on call
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friend of Kızıldeli amongst the f
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creed was a syncretism composed of
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ather it merged into the Bektashi O
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One should note that in the late th
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Indeed, in the first half of the fo
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Turkoman warriors to Osman’s ento
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Ottomans took advantage of sedentar
Page 115 and 116:
organized on tribal basis, but loya
Page 117 and 118:
army. Orhan learns the method from
Page 119 and 120:
the Turkish language and culture. A
Page 121 and 122:
One should also note that the Janis
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dynasty. 277 Aşıkpaşazāde’s e
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3.2.2. The Rise of the Ottoman Elit
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and other danişmends as immediate
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Comes either for a hope of a minist
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statesmen appeared in the course of
Page 133 and 134:
the realm” or “nizām-ı ālem
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As Đnalcık formulized long ago, t
Page 137 and 138:
made it difficult to govern them. 3
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paradoxically constitutes one of th
Page 141 and 142:
useless, even harmful, act and rega
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to transform the state still bearin
Page 145 and 146:
to obey the law, Rüstem, replies:
Page 147 and 148:
Most of the events mentioned in the
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period, and tribal chiefs. However,
Page 151 and 152:
of the empire; their loyal akıncı
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of foremost akıncı dynasties like
Page 155 and 156:
historians employ the term ‘Türk
Page 157 and 158:
transformed into modest ‘re’āy
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Turgutlu tribe. 365 As will be deli
Page 161 and 162:
the death of Kasım Beg, his comman
Page 163 and 164:
Contemporary sources clearly indica
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As already delineated, Mehmed II fi
Page 167 and 168:
3.4. CONCLUSION By the second half
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CHAPTER IV TURKOMANS AND THE SAFAVI
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write a satisfactory history of the
Page 173 and 174:
Safa offers plentiful information a
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lessings of His Holy Exhalations!)
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“région turcophone”. 432 Despi
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dignity of Aaron (Hārūn) the magn
Page 181 and 182:
prisoners, upon becoming Safavid di
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siege, Timur’s forces managed to
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far. 469 During Shaykh Ibrahim’s
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4.2. SHAYKH JUNAYD (1447-1460): TUR
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to Shah Ismail and his descendants.
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devoted to explaining how this tran
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einforced by marrying with the daug
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Mohammedan law, oppressing learned
Page 197 and 198:
A comprehensive risāle preserved i
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according to the anonymous writer,
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the following pages I will analyze,
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Shaikh Safī’s children, the whol
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literature, which is summarized abo
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Ardabil and with his disciples in o
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historians that the Ottomans dispat
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on Erzincan and Sivas; the latter,
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that the copied books were availabl
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of the four true sects, in which sh
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Haydar, and Shah Ismā’īl merely
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However, the foot-prints of this do
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mastership or merit in Sufism. Furt
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strong foot-hold among them. Warrio
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danger only by leaving behind all h
Page 227 and 228:
first in 1335 and second in 1348. 5
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So, putting these two facts togethe
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4.2.4.5. The Aqqoyunlu Palace: Legi
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Junayd to legitimize his already em
Page 235 and 236:
manner against Shaykh Junayd, but h
Page 237 and 238:
4.3. SHAYKH HAYDAR (1460-1488): THE
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tune down the devoted extremism tha
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subjects.” 649 Khunjī goes furth
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was the customary gear in those day
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was in 1484 and the Shaykh’s real
Page 247 and 248:
Then Farruhyasar finished his lette
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avoid one’s fate.” 692 Likewise
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“especially [with] his lieutenant
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‘savage-like’ pastoral nomads a
Page 255 and 256:
looked upon the shaykh as their qib
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Despites all his sunni biases, his
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during the Haydar’s term as well.
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temporal and spiritual authority; t
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‘new’ here is nothing other tha
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5.1. THE CONCEALMENT PERIOD: PREPER
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in 1493, he welcomed them in Tabriz
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other things, but since they were n
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his enemies with 300 qizilbash devo
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Ismail stayed approximately four an
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maintaining the communication and n
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5.1.3. The Advent (Hurūj) of Ismai
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account; but mistakenly narrates as
Page 281 and 282:
The anonymous author then recites t
Page 283 and 284:
servants to bring his own sword, wh
Page 285 and 286:
would conquer all Iran and Azarbaij
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5.2. ISMAIL’S ASCENDANCE TO POWER
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eği kaçdı. Tebriz’i yağma etd
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of Jahanshah Karakoyunlu, in Gökç
Page 293 and 294:
communication between fighting qizi
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Abdi Beg Shamlu with 200 and 300 fi
Page 297 and 298:
quelques caractéristiques typiquem
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eign of Shah Ismail, married the si
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traditional structure, who were not
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arriving group (tribe or oymaq) and
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ody of the Safavid army. Each han a
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power. 934 By pretending so, Ismail
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such as Muhammad Han Ustaclu, Abdi
Page 311 and 312:
education and training, their privi
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father of Muhammad Han Ustaclu, fel
Page 315 and 316:
5.2.3. Ismail’s Second War: the T
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Alvand Mirza barely managed to flee
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Muhammad Zakariya, who had been the
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not one of them alive!” 987 As Br
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those great āmirs during both batt
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kurmışlardı. Zalām-ı şām-ı
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a messenger to the governor of Siva
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Eyle olsa ol taifenin hakikat-i hā
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Zamanla akrabası demin dava etmekd
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communication with the other side,
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terms usually nomadic tribes becaus
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Kemalpaşazāde reports that some o
Page 339 and 340:
were confused about the disciples o
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villages became devoid of people. 1
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evenue sources remained the same. A
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Side (Şark Cānibi), i.e. Iran. 10
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argues that the real reason of Isma
Page 349 and 350:
Nonetheless, the connection between
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the Ottoman Empire 1086 , to protes
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capture some principal Dulkadir for
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who was found on the way going to I
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military measures in eastern provin
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confront Ismail’s forces. 1117 Ho
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The Ottomans, on the other hand, ke
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not the Ottomans. This being the ca
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ground for the enthronement of Seli
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stratified social structure on top
Page 369 and 370:
According to the Ottoman court hist
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doomsday’. 1158 The people of Ana
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igorously deem both Ismail and the
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the command of Karagöz Pasha and s
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Ottoman realm had totally vanished;
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only the temporal benefits offered
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is that they set fire to even cāmi
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messianism. 1203 It is not coincide
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to the aforesaid Il he performed ma
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According to Hasan-ı Rumlu, Şahku
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sermon. During his sermon the shayk
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of the Order. One feels legitimized
Page 393 and 394:
We learn from this document that Ş
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khalifas, launch a campaign on Otto
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the framework of the Ottoman domest
Page 399 and 400:
disease and fell devoid of timar.
Page 401 and 402:
Kızıloğlu, Köleoğlu, Mehmed Be
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eport that Şahkulu’s force was r
Page 405 and 406:
At the beginning, Şahkulu gathered
Page 407 and 408:
the rebellion clearly reveal his ul
Page 409 and 410:
successfully created a revolutionar
Page 411 and 412:
to convince the head of the Janissa
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against his two brothers. Ahmed dem
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governors and of Karagöz Pasha, bu
Page 417 and 418:
strongly believed in suppressing th
Page 419 and 420:
arrival of a messenger from the Por
Page 421 and 422:
soldiers behind; 1347 he chose 500
Page 423 and 424:
he was not killed and did not go to
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and arrived there before the Anatol
Page 427 and 428:
the otaga on and prostrated ‘acco
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As for the first one, one may attri
Page 431 and 432:
Kütahya seems to be the turning po
Page 433 and 434:
Show me a small corner of hospice s
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CHAPTER VII THE QIZILBASH FACTOR IN
Page 437 and 438:
Although one might partially attrib
Page 439 and 440:
diplomacy and some other with coerc
Page 441 and 442: 7.1.3. Second Confrontation: Assaul
Page 443 and 444: olub ol senkīn kayalardan çıkub,
Page 445 and 446: Another aspect of Selim-Ismail stru
Page 447 and 448: was appointed as governor of Kefe.
Page 449 and 450: was at the same time regarded as th
Page 451 and 452: Ahmed in such a degree that Ahmed
Page 453 and 454: that his valuable activities were n
Page 455 and 456: should be remembered that Ahmed was
Page 457 and 458: Vizier Ali Pasha was assigned to su
Page 459 and 460: August 3, 1511 (Cemāzī I 8, 911).
Page 461 and 462: not yet attached to Qizilbash movem
Page 463 and 464: would be the next sultan, their est
Page 465 and 466: and old age while his subjects fell
Page 467 and 468: Istanbul throughout his journey. As
Page 469 and 470: an oath that they would accept the
Page 471 and 472: But the most effective branch of Ot
Page 473 and 474: sultan 1551 , the Janissaries’ di
Page 475 and 476: Ahmed began to behave as if he had
Page 477 and 478: instead of Amasya can be accounted
Page 479 and 480: however, different. After Selim pro
Page 481 and 482: were the champions of the oppositio
Page 483 and 484: Janissaries, there was another mili
Page 485 and 486: Taceddin Beg, who was the Karaman B
Page 487 and 488: ve yardım ona kılsun kim inşaall
Page 489 and 490: 7.2.3. Prince Murad, Nur Ali Khalif
Page 491: qizilbashes of Anatolia had conside
Page 495 and 496: According to Idrīs, and some other
Page 497 and 498: Shah. Celalzāde says, on the other
Page 499 and 500: included him in his suit. Then they
Page 501 and 502: yağmaladıkları mukarrer. Sultan
Page 503 and 504: governor of Sivas. 1639 So Kemalpa
Page 505 and 506: meantime, two Safavid khalifs, Şah
Page 507 and 508: ādem cem’ idüb Sultan Musa üze
Page 509 and 510: Mehmed’s letter clarifies two cru
Page 511 and 512: Şadi Beg says that Ismail warned D
Page 513 and 514: next spring. The qizilbash propagan
Page 515 and 516: Dulkadir. 1679 Of course Taş-ili,
Page 517 and 518: this idea and tore the letter from
Page 519 and 520: CHAPTER VIII ÇALDIRAN, 1514: THE A
Page 521 and 522: disclaim their tendency since the o
Page 523 and 524: strong public expectations indicate
Page 525 and 526: saru renkden ihtirāz olundığı g
Page 527 and 528: group. Indeed, the Ottoman sultans
Page 529 and 530: Selim-nāme authors unanimously nar
Page 531 and 532: Selim, as reflected in Şükrī’s
Page 533 and 534: Idrīs also emphasizes this point a
Page 535 and 536: advises Sultan Selim that the ‘re
Page 537 and 538: he blamed the statesmen and the sch
Page 539 and 540: also appears another word which wou
Page 541 and 542: Solakzāde states that Ismail made
Page 543 and 544:
their opinion about the legitimacy
Page 545 and 546:
to the statesmen as participants of
Page 547 and 548:
the qizilbashes and dispersing them
Page 549 and 550:
sentiments among the Ottoman elite
Page 551 and 552:
it repeats the name of the author,
Page 553 and 554:
about the identity of Hamza. He cla
Page 555 and 556:
or ‘Mevlāna Arab’. 1786 His fa
Page 557 and 558:
mission for himself. Taşköprizād
Page 559 and 560:
fanatic anti-qizilbash stand was li
Page 561 and 562:
already discussed the despising att
Page 563 and 564:
of ulemā must have written fetvās
Page 565 and 566:
that Süleyman I waged a campaign o
Page 567 and 568:
damned until doomsday.” 1817 Then
Page 569 and 570:
population. 1821 Although this rati
Page 571 and 572:
the people to be killed. The number
Page 573 and 574:
egister, he would be aware of the s
Page 575 and 576:
Lütfi Çelebi veled-i Bazarluoğlu
Page 577 and 578:
Dülbendbastı Ali Amasiyye Ahmed .
Page 579 and 580:
qizilbash movements, and those who
Page 581 and 582:
Kasım (?) Karye-i Hallar Torul cen
Page 583 and 584:
joining Shah Ismail’s suite durin
Page 585 and 586:
ut also from its content reflecting
Page 587 and 588:
to the faces of Muslims, fused the
Page 589 and 590:
Rumelia to Anatolia where they coop
Page 591 and 592:
however, provisional anxieties were
Page 593 and 594:
my intentions in the beginning of m
Page 595 and 596:
Ismail’s letter annoyed Selim so
Page 597 and 598:
hunger and thirst! 1900 The situati
Page 599 and 600:
Then Sultan Selim favored this sugg
Page 601 and 602:
efore the Ottomans had time to comp
Page 603 and 604:
miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni
Page 605 and 606:
made to marry Tāc-zāde Cafer Chel
Page 607 and 608:
CHAPTER IX THE AFTERMATH: THE WANIN
Page 609 and 610:
important consequence was that it b
Page 611 and 612:
defeat of Çaldıran, the qizilbash
Page 613 and 614:
These contemporary accounts clearly
Page 615 and 616:
abandoned in practice their unquest
Page 617 and 618:
depersonalization of political auth
Page 619 and 620:
development marked a decisive step
Page 621 and 622:
Khalifa, just like the office of ā
Page 623 and 624:
Muhammad Hudabende; the post of lal
Page 625 and 626:
success emerged. Nonetheless, none
Page 627 and 628:
Temam, when Sultan Selim proceeded
Page 629 and 630:
community within the Ottoman Empire
Page 631 and 632:
egion. 2016 Thenceforth, ‘unortho
Page 633 and 634:
the fading of the political and mil
Page 635 and 636:
lead. 2024 The vakıf of the tekke
Page 637 and 638:
administration tolerated and even e
Page 639 and 640:
social units maintaining a low degr
Page 641 and 642:
CHAPTER X CONCLUSION In the broades
Page 643 and 644:
is obvious that the expansion of th
Page 645 and 646:
synthesized at the cross-section of
Page 647 and 648:
as major ‘qizilbash zones’ and
Page 649 and 650:
territories, from then on the qizil
Page 651 and 652:
Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenārī eş-ş
Page 653 and 654:
Feridun Bey, Münşeât-ı Selātin
Page 655 and 656:
Menâkıb-ı Sultan Bayezid Han, Bi
Page 657 and 658:
Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Die altosmani
Page 659 and 660:
Aslanoğlu, Đbrahim, Şah Đsmail
Page 661 and 662:
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis, “Sa
Page 663 and 664:
Baykara, Tuncay, “Yatağan’da A
Page 665 and 666:
Cahen, Claude, “Le problème du S
Page 667 and 668:
Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik
Page 669 and 670:
Fisher, Sydney Nettleton,The Foreig
Page 671 and 672:
Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki, “Fazlu
Page 673 and 674:
Đnalcık, Halil, "Osmanlılar’da
Page 675 and 676:
and Society, Bloomington: Indiana U
Page 677 and 678:
Kissling, “Osmanlı Đmparatorlu
Page 679 and 680:
Lindner, Rudi Paul, Nomads and Otto
Page 681 and 682:
Mélikoff, Irène, “La Montagne e
Page 683 and 684:
Newman, Andrew, “The Myth of Cler
Page 685 and 686:
Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, “Syncrétisme
Page 687 and 688:
Pastoral Production and Societies,
Page 689 and 690:
Sarıkaya, Saffet, XIII-XVI. Asırl
Page 691 and 692:
Stephane Yérasimos, La Foundation
Page 693 and 694:
Tapper, Richard, “Anthropologists
Page 695 and 696:
Ünal, Mehmet Ali, XVI. Yüzyılda
Page 697 and 698:
APPENDIX A: CHRONOLOGY 1326 The dea
Page 699 and 700:
1505 Ismail's ambassador in Istanbu
Page 701 and 702:
APPENDIX B: A SELECT LIST OF DOCUME
Page 703 and 704:
E 5483 Halep Melikü'l-ümerası Ha
Page 705 and 706:
E 6384 Sadi Paşa'nın isyancılar
Page 707 and 708:
E 8350 E 8505 E 8758 E 8922 E 8923
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