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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni’ ü dāfi’ olmayub, şahsār-ı vucūd-i bī-sūdlarında<br />

berg ü bār komadı kırdı. Kūh-şükūh güruhların tūde-i berg-i gāh gibi tārumār<br />

idüb, hirmen-i hayāt-ı bī-sebātların havā-yı fenāya virdi. 1928<br />

Contemporary European observers affirm that the Ottomans owed their victory<br />

to their firepower. 1929 Caterino Zeno, Venetian ambassador to the court of Uzun Hasan,<br />

writes,<br />

The monarch [Selim], seeing the slaughter, began to retreat, and to turn about,<br />

and was about to fly, when Sinan, coming to the rescue at the time of need,<br />

caused the artillery to be brought up and fired on both the janissaries and the<br />

Persians. The Persian horses hearing the thunder of those infernal machines,<br />

scattered and divided themselves over the plain, not obeying their riders’ bit or<br />

spur any more, from the terror they were in. Sinan, seeing this, made up one<br />

squadron of cavalry from all that which had made been routed by the Persians,<br />

and began to cut them into pieces everywhere, so that, by his activity, Selim,<br />

even when he thought all lost, came off the victory. It is certainly said, that if it<br />

had not been for the artillery, which terrified in the manner related the Persian<br />

horses which had never before heard such a din, all his forces would have been<br />

routed and put to the edge of the sword; and if the Turk had been beaten, the<br />

power of Ismail would have become greater than that of Tamerlane, as by the<br />

fame alone of such a victory he would have made himself absolute lord of the<br />

East. 1930<br />

1928<br />

KPZ9, p. 111. HS and HR also underscore the decisive affect of firearms in this battle. See HS, p. 606;<br />

HR, p. 182.<br />

1929<br />

In the battle of Çaldıran, the Safavid army was completely devoid of firepower. Why was Ismail’s<br />

army not equipped with firearms? According to Savory, it was not because of their lack of acquaintance<br />

with necessary technology but because of their conscious choice. He argues that at the time of Ismail I,<br />

Safavids thought the use of firearms unmanly and cowardly. See Roger Savory, Iran under the Safavids, p.<br />

43; “The Consolidation of Safavid Power in Persia”, pp. 88-89; “The Sherley Myth”, Iran, Journal of the<br />

British Institute of Persian Studies, V, 1967, 73-81. Also see Rudi Matthee, “Unwalled Cities and Restless<br />

Nomads: Firearms and Artillery in Safavid Iran”, in Safavid Persia, The History and Politics of an Islamic<br />

Society, ed., Charles Melville, London, New York, 1996, 389-416.<br />

1930<br />

Caterino Zeno, “Travels in Persia”, in NIT, p. 61. For a very similar account see Giovan Maria<br />

Angiolello, “A Short Narrative of the Life and Acts of the King Ussun Cassano”, in NIT, p. 120. D.<br />

Ayalon also underscores the crucial role of firearms in the decisive victory of the Ottomans in Çaldıran.<br />

He writes, “Had the Ottomans not employed firearms on such a large scale in the battle of Chāldirān and<br />

in the battles which followed it, it is reasonably certain that their victory – even if they had been able to<br />

win – would have been far less decisive. In other words, the Ottomans would have acquired far less<br />

Safawid territory in hat event and a much stronger Safawid army would have been left intact to prepare for<br />

a war of revenge.” See D. Ayalon, Gunpowder and Firearms in the Mamlūk Kingdom, London, 1956, pp.<br />

109-10. ANMG also puts stress on the decisive role of firearms and the Janissaries in the battle. See<br />

ANMG, p. 180. For detailed description of the battle see, in addition to the already cited Ottoman sources,<br />

HR, pp. 177-84; HS, pp. 605-606; TNSS, pp. 55-61.<br />

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