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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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Show me a small corner of hospice so that I will live there.” Selim’s answer clearly<br />

reflects how Şahkulu’s defeat diminished the prestige of Ahmed and ended his chance<br />

for the throne: “You were a respected prince with uncountable soldiers in your retinue.<br />

Some unbelievers rose up nearby your province. They executed the beylerbey of your<br />

father. If your eye of fortune was open you would have handled this problem; you would<br />

have punished them without needing the troops from the side of your father. 1400<br />

Otherwise, I would not feel any reluctance because of your useless body!” 1401<br />

Consequently, it is not an exaggeration to argue that the great upheaval of<br />

qizilbashes paradoxically presented the throne to Selim, who established his policy on<br />

qizilbash enmity 1402 , on a silver tray. His passive attitude during the rebellion made<br />

Prince Ahmed completely lose the military elite, especially Janissaries. 1403 As will be<br />

delineated, Selim owes his saltanat mainly to Janissaries. It is known that janissaries had<br />

always been inclined to Selim’s favor for he was more dynamic and warlike. But in the<br />

absence of such an excuse – the defeat against the qizilbashes – one might think that<br />

they would hardly dare to repel Ahmed, who was invited by the legitimate sultan,<br />

1400 This sort of narration was evidently part of the legitimization efforts of Ottoman scholars. I would like<br />

to remind that Selim was in quarrel with his father, even fought with his army, while Ali Pasha was<br />

handling with the rebellion. Therefore, Selim’s accusation of Ahmed, even if it occurred, was not<br />

convincing.<br />

1401 ALI, p. 931. Elsewhere ALI reports Selim’s reply to the request of Ahmed as follows: “... [Your<br />

punishment’s] bā’isi budur ki, sen taht-ı Yunan’da [Rum] sākin şehzāde ve asākir-i bī-girānla her ān alātı<br />

har u rezme hāzır ve amāde iken Şeytan Kulı nām Hāricī gelüb karībinden geçe ve memālik-i<br />

mahrūseden Kütahiyye’ye girüb padişah-ı ‘asrın bir beğlerbeğisini katl ide ve niçe müslümanları nehb ü<br />

gāret ve katlile hasāret idüb sālimin ü gānimin Kızılbaş’a toğrı çekile gide, sen āna karşu varmayasın ve<br />

havza-i hükūmeti ol makūle Hārici zararından kurtarmayasın, mücerred ‘iş u nūşinde olub, alem haraba<br />

varduğundan ığmaz-ı ‘ayn idesin. Pes ne vechile şehzāde-i sezā ve husūsā serīr-i saltanata revā olabilür<br />

misin? Pençe-i siyāsetden rehā buldığın takdirce bunca nüfus-ı bī-günāh zāyi’ olmağla begne’n-nās bizi<br />

dahī hicāba düşürürsin. Đmdi evlā olan budur ki, hakkından geline ve safha-i rūzgārdan vücūdın pençesi<br />

hakk oluna!” Âli says he heard this story from Celal-zāde Mustafa. But Celal-zāde does not include this<br />

passage in his own history. See ALI, pp. 1069-70.<br />

1402 As the next chapter will delineate, Selim not only represented the absolute qizilbash enmity, but,<br />

perhaps more importantly, also gained support of the institutions of the Ottoman imperial regime against<br />

Ahmed’s tribal allies.<br />

1403 Compare ULCY1, p. 74.<br />

414

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