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Kemalpaşazāde records that following Ali Pasha’s and Prince Şehinşah’s death on July 2, 1511, most of the leading statesmen inclined to invite Prince Ahmed to the throne. Kemalpaşazāde also underscores that after the death of Ali Pasha, Ahmed pretended to be an independent ruler; he wanted to rule the country as he wished and was not willing to accept any other solution. 1493 Consequently Bayezid II decided to leave the throne to Ahmed. He ordered high officials to do what was necessary to enthrone him. 1494 And he moved from Edirne to Istanbul in July 1511. 1495 Bayezid II also demanded the obedience of Rumelian begs for Ahmed’s saltanat. Though some of them offered their submission and joined the imperial army on the way towards Istanbul, some others preferred to take position on Selim’s side. 1496 Learning that Bayezid had moved from Edirne 1497 , Selim immediately set off with 40.000 soldiers and caught his father near Çorlu. 1498 This time, a clash was inevitable. 1499 Selim was defeated and fled to Ahyolu, where his ships were waiting, on 1493 KPZ8b, pp. 55-6. 1494 KPZ cites his words, “Oğlum Sultan Ahmed’i getürmeğe tarīk-i sevāb u vech-i ma’kul neyse ana meşgul olun, min ba’d padişahınuz oldur.” KPZ8b, p. 56. 1495 KPZ8b, p. 56. 1496 KPZ8b, p. 56. 1497 According to KPZ, Bayezid moved from Edirne to Istanbul in order to enthrone Ahmed. The plan was to send Selim to Semendire and to enthrone Ahmed in Istanbul. See KPZ8b, p. 56. Idrīs repeats the same account. He records that Bayezid moved in the last days of Rebī II 917 (the last days of July 1511). IDRS, p. 92. For similar accounts see HSE4, p. 34 (Hoca also gives the date as the last days of Rebī II); ALI, pp. 942-3; MNB, pp. 425-6. Italian sources, however, suggest another reason for Bayezid’s departure from Edirne to Istanbul. As Fisher summarizes, according to reports of Italian observers, Bayezid heard a rumor that Selim was planning to go around Edirne and go to Istanbul to seize the imperial treasury. It was because of this rumor that Bayezid moved from Edirne to Istanbul. See FSH, p. 108. ANMB recounts a similar account; Bayezid departed from Edirne because he heard that Selim was coming to Edirne with a strong army. Since the Sultan had not enough military force to resist Selim for the time being, as he sent most of the Janissaries with Ali Pasha, Bayezid fled from Edirne to Istanbul. See ANMH, p. 56. 1498 ULCY1, p. 87. KPZ and TNS give the number of soldiers as 30.000. See KPZ8b, p. 52; TNSB, p. 281. ALI says that he moved with forty or fifty thousand soldiers. See ALI, p. 943. 1499 Idrīs’ account regarding this battle is quite outlandish. To him, Selim did not want to make war on his father; when he decided to return, the soldiers of the Sultan attacked his forces. See IDRS, p. 93. This must be regarded, however, as Idrīs’ attempt to recover the bad-fame of Selim. It should be remembered that Idrīs wrote his Selimnāme during the reign of Selim. KPZ and CLZ pursue similar attitude putting the blame on the shoulders of Bayezid’s high officials. See KPZ8b, pp. 57-8. For an analysis of CLZ’s account see Celia J. Kerslake, “The Selim-name of Celal-zāde Mustafa Çelebi as a Historical Source”, 439
August 3, 1511 (Cemāzī I 8, 911). 1500 He moved to Kefe and began to observe the events there. 1501 Bayezid entered Istanbul on Cemāzī II 17, 917 (September 11, 1511). 1502 7.1.6. An Evaluation of Prince Selim’s Policy for the Throne The system of the Ottoman state apparatus and economy were established on the basis of territorial expansion. Any stagnation in territorial expansion, thus, created serious internal crisis. 1503 The later episodes of Bayezid II’s reign bitterly experienced one such crisis. Especially military classes were eager to maintain continuous warfare. This was the result of not only military heroism but also economic interests. Most of promotions and assignments of new timars, as well as extra payments to kuls, could be realized after military victories and territorial expansions. Thus, especially military wing of the Ottoman state apparatus was constantly demanding warfare. 1504 Selim, with his militant and warlike character, was promising to re-stimulate Ottoman war machine, which was in numbness for a while. Thus his war-like fame won him the favor of the members of military classes. More specifically, as Đnalcık states, the Janissaries, timar holders, and akıncıs wanted Selim’s succession for “it was the military campaigns that gave Turcica, IX/2-X, Paris, 1970, pp. 44-47. ALI follows IDR’s account on this issue. See ALI, pp. 944-5. On the other hand, ANMH recounts Selim’s behavior in a different manner which seems to be closer to the truth. To ANMH, Selim pursued quite an offensive policy; he followed his father and assaulted him when he reached him. Bayezid always tried to avoid a confrontation with his son. But Selim carried the situation into a point at which a clash became inevitable. See ANMH, pp. 56-7. 1500 ULCY1, p. 88; TNSB, pp. 281-2; ALI, p. 947. ALI gives this date as the day on which the battle occurred. KPZ notes that the Janissaries and kapı kulu soldiers became so sorrow when Selim was defeated in this battle. See KPZ8b, p.58. 1501 For detailed narration of the battle and Selim’s flight see KPZ8b, pp. 56-58. Also see SKB, pp. 89-90; YSF, p.33; HSE4, pp. 37-41; ALI, pp. 943-7. 1502 ALI, p. 947. 1503 Compare Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, London: Oxford <strong>University</strong> Press, 1968, pp. 27-27. 1504 ULCY1, p. 77. 440
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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ABSTRACT TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPI
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ÖZET ĐKĐ ĐMPARATORLUK ARASINDA
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before everything
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA Eskandar B
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Selim-nâme Literature, Berlin: Kla
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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Source mate
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………
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8.4. The Persecution of Anatolian Q
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and feeding the qizilbash sentiment
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Needless to say, the emergence, mol
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accumulation of power soon made the
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glories of the Ottoman army. Toward
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in the second half of the sixteenth
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the role of the Sufis of Lāhijan i
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Çağatay Uluçay’s three article
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Lastly, as for the main characteris
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no.790. The whole collection has be
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of this last section is open to spe
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struggle between two powers is refl
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Selim to the throne in April 24, 15
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Apart from these Selim-nāmes, Hayd
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1.2.2. Safavid Sources The Safavid
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above. More interesting is that the
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1.2.3. Italian Sources When Shah Is
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CHAPTER II A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
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settled tribes in several parts of
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were alien. These sedentary neighbo
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So, in Barfield’s terminology, th
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elations on kinship basis. 105 The
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a map of real blood bonds. He notif
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economic dependence on non-tribal s
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Furthermore, the office, an imperso
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shown, for the purpose of the prese
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in tribal or sub-tribal societies b
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community to whom he/she belongs. I
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One other substantial basis subsidi
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along with many other historians an
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Let us rob them together. But if yo
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ureaucracy, and sophisticated socia
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One may safely argue that the proce
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transformation of the beylik from t
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interconnected, for the tribal warr
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groups merged in time and turned in
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On the other hand, reliable sources
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end of the fourteenth century or in
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hagiographies 203 genuinely reflect
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Turkoman begs. On one occasion Osma
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Umur and said, “From now on call
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friend of Kızıldeli amongst the f
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creed was a syncretism composed of
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ather it merged into the Bektashi O
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One should note that in the late th
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Indeed, in the first half of the fo
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Turkoman warriors to Osman’s ento
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Ottomans took advantage of sedentar
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organized on tribal basis, but loya
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army. Orhan learns the method from
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the Turkish language and culture. A
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One should also note that the Janis
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dynasty. 277 Aşıkpaşazāde’s e
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3.2.2. The Rise of the Ottoman Elit
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and other danişmends as immediate
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Comes either for a hope of a minist
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statesmen appeared in the course of
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the realm” or “nizām-ı ālem
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As Đnalcık formulized long ago, t
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made it difficult to govern them. 3
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paradoxically constitutes one of th
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useless, even harmful, act and rega
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to transform the state still bearin
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to obey the law, Rüstem, replies:
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Most of the events mentioned in the
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period, and tribal chiefs. However,
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of the empire; their loyal akıncı
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of foremost akıncı dynasties like
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historians employ the term ‘Türk
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transformed into modest ‘re’āy
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Turgutlu tribe. 365 As will be deli
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the death of Kasım Beg, his comman
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Contemporary sources clearly indica
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As already delineated, Mehmed II fi
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3.4. CONCLUSION By the second half
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CHAPTER IV TURKOMANS AND THE SAFAVI
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write a satisfactory history of the
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Safa offers plentiful information a
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lessings of His Holy Exhalations!)
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“région turcophone”. 432 Despi
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dignity of Aaron (Hārūn) the magn
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prisoners, upon becoming Safavid di
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siege, Timur’s forces managed to
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far. 469 During Shaykh Ibrahim’s
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4.2. SHAYKH JUNAYD (1447-1460): TUR
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to Shah Ismail and his descendants.
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devoted to explaining how this tran
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einforced by marrying with the daug
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Mohammedan law, oppressing learned
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A comprehensive risāle preserved i
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according to the anonymous writer,
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the following pages I will analyze,
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Shaikh Safī’s children, the whol
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literature, which is summarized abo
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Ardabil and with his disciples in o
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historians that the Ottomans dispat
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on Erzincan and Sivas; the latter,
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that the copied books were availabl
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of the four true sects, in which sh
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Haydar, and Shah Ismā’īl merely
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However, the foot-prints of this do
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mastership or merit in Sufism. Furt
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strong foot-hold among them. Warrio
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danger only by leaving behind all h
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first in 1335 and second in 1348. 5
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So, putting these two facts togethe
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4.2.4.5. The Aqqoyunlu Palace: Legi
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Junayd to legitimize his already em
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manner against Shaykh Junayd, but h
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4.3. SHAYKH HAYDAR (1460-1488): THE
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tune down the devoted extremism tha
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subjects.” 649 Khunjī goes furth
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was the customary gear in those day
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was in 1484 and the Shaykh’s real
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Then Farruhyasar finished his lette
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avoid one’s fate.” 692 Likewise
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“especially [with] his lieutenant
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‘savage-like’ pastoral nomads a
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looked upon the shaykh as their qib
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Despites all his sunni biases, his
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during the Haydar’s term as well.
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temporal and spiritual authority; t
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‘new’ here is nothing other tha
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5.1. THE CONCEALMENT PERIOD: PREPER
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in 1493, he welcomed them in Tabriz
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other things, but since they were n
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his enemies with 300 qizilbash devo
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Ismail stayed approximately four an
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maintaining the communication and n
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5.1.3. The Advent (Hurūj) of Ismai
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account; but mistakenly narrates as
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The anonymous author then recites t
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servants to bring his own sword, wh
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would conquer all Iran and Azarbaij
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5.2. ISMAIL’S ASCENDANCE TO POWER
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eği kaçdı. Tebriz’i yağma etd
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of Jahanshah Karakoyunlu, in Gökç
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communication between fighting qizi
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Abdi Beg Shamlu with 200 and 300 fi
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quelques caractéristiques typiquem
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eign of Shah Ismail, married the si
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traditional structure, who were not
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arriving group (tribe or oymaq) and
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ody of the Safavid army. Each han a
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power. 934 By pretending so, Ismail
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such as Muhammad Han Ustaclu, Abdi
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education and training, their privi
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father of Muhammad Han Ustaclu, fel
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5.2.3. Ismail’s Second War: the T
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Alvand Mirza barely managed to flee
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Muhammad Zakariya, who had been the
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not one of them alive!” 987 As Br
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those great āmirs during both batt
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kurmışlardı. Zalām-ı şām-ı
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a messenger to the governor of Siva
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Eyle olsa ol taifenin hakikat-i hā
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Zamanla akrabası demin dava etmekd
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communication with the other side,
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terms usually nomadic tribes becaus
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Kemalpaşazāde reports that some o
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were confused about the disciples o
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villages became devoid of people. 1
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evenue sources remained the same. A
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Side (Şark Cānibi), i.e. Iran. 10
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argues that the real reason of Isma
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Nonetheless, the connection between
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the Ottoman Empire 1086 , to protes
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capture some principal Dulkadir for
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who was found on the way going to I
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military measures in eastern provin
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confront Ismail’s forces. 1117 Ho
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The Ottomans, on the other hand, ke
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not the Ottomans. This being the ca
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ground for the enthronement of Seli
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stratified social structure on top
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According to the Ottoman court hist
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doomsday’. 1158 The people of Ana
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igorously deem both Ismail and the
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the command of Karagöz Pasha and s
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Ottoman realm had totally vanished;
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only the temporal benefits offered
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is that they set fire to even cāmi
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messianism. 1203 It is not coincide
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to the aforesaid Il he performed ma
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According to Hasan-ı Rumlu, Şahku
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sermon. During his sermon the shayk
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of the Order. One feels legitimized
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We learn from this document that Ş
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khalifas, launch a campaign on Otto
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the framework of the Ottoman domest
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disease and fell devoid of timar.
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Kızıloğlu, Köleoğlu, Mehmed Be
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eport that Şahkulu’s force was r
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At the beginning, Şahkulu gathered
Page 407 and 408: the rebellion clearly reveal his ul
Page 409 and 410: successfully created a revolutionar
Page 411 and 412: to convince the head of the Janissa
Page 413 and 414: against his two brothers. Ahmed dem
Page 415 and 416: governors and of Karagöz Pasha, bu
Page 417 and 418: strongly believed in suppressing th
Page 419 and 420: arrival of a messenger from the Por
Page 421 and 422: soldiers behind; 1347 he chose 500
Page 423 and 424: he was not killed and did not go to
Page 425 and 426: and arrived there before the Anatol
Page 427 and 428: the otaga on and prostrated ‘acco
Page 429 and 430: As for the first one, one may attri
Page 431 and 432: Kütahya seems to be the turning po
Page 433 and 434: Show me a small corner of hospice s
Page 435 and 436: CHAPTER VII THE QIZILBASH FACTOR IN
Page 437 and 438: Although one might partially attrib
Page 439 and 440: diplomacy and some other with coerc
Page 441 and 442: 7.1.3. Second Confrontation: Assaul
Page 443 and 444: olub ol senkīn kayalardan çıkub,
Page 445 and 446: Another aspect of Selim-Ismail stru
Page 447 and 448: was appointed as governor of Kefe.
Page 449 and 450: was at the same time regarded as th
Page 451 and 452: Ahmed in such a degree that Ahmed
Page 453 and 454: that his valuable activities were n
Page 455 and 456: should be remembered that Ahmed was
Page 457: Vizier Ali Pasha was assigned to su
Page 461 and 462: not yet attached to Qizilbash movem
Page 463 and 464: would be the next sultan, their est
Page 465 and 466: and old age while his subjects fell
Page 467 and 468: Istanbul throughout his journey. As
Page 469 and 470: an oath that they would accept the
Page 471 and 472: But the most effective branch of Ot
Page 473 and 474: sultan 1551 , the Janissaries’ di
Page 475 and 476: Ahmed began to behave as if he had
Page 477 and 478: instead of Amasya can be accounted
Page 479 and 480: however, different. After Selim pro
Page 481 and 482: were the champions of the oppositio
Page 483 and 484: Janissaries, there was another mili
Page 485 and 486: Taceddin Beg, who was the Karaman B
Page 487 and 488: ve yardım ona kılsun kim inşaall
Page 489 and 490: 7.2.3. Prince Murad, Nur Ali Khalif
Page 491 and 492: qizilbashes of Anatolia had conside
Page 493 and 494: Sultan Ahmed sent troops against th
Page 495 and 496: According to Idrīs, and some other
Page 497 and 498: Shah. Celalzāde says, on the other
Page 499 and 500: included him in his suit. Then they
Page 501 and 502: yağmaladıkları mukarrer. Sultan
Page 503 and 504: governor of Sivas. 1639 So Kemalpa
Page 505 and 506: meantime, two Safavid khalifs, Şah
Page 507 and 508: ādem cem’ idüb Sultan Musa üze
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Mehmed’s letter clarifies two cru
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Şadi Beg says that Ismail warned D
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next spring. The qizilbash propagan
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Dulkadir. 1679 Of course Taş-ili,
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this idea and tore the letter from
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CHAPTER VIII ÇALDIRAN, 1514: THE A
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disclaim their tendency since the o
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strong public expectations indicate
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saru renkden ihtirāz olundığı g
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group. Indeed, the Ottoman sultans
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Selim-nāme authors unanimously nar
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Selim, as reflected in Şükrī’s
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Idrīs also emphasizes this point a
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advises Sultan Selim that the ‘re
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he blamed the statesmen and the sch
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also appears another word which wou
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Solakzāde states that Ismail made
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their opinion about the legitimacy
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to the statesmen as participants of
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the qizilbashes and dispersing them
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sentiments among the Ottoman elite
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it repeats the name of the author,
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about the identity of Hamza. He cla
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or ‘Mevlāna Arab’. 1786 His fa
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mission for himself. Taşköprizād
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fanatic anti-qizilbash stand was li
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already discussed the despising att
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of ulemā must have written fetvās
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that Süleyman I waged a campaign o
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damned until doomsday.” 1817 Then
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population. 1821 Although this rati
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the people to be killed. The number
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egister, he would be aware of the s
Page 575 and 576:
Lütfi Çelebi veled-i Bazarluoğlu
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Dülbendbastı Ali Amasiyye Ahmed .
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qizilbash movements, and those who
Page 581 and 582:
Kasım (?) Karye-i Hallar Torul cen
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joining Shah Ismail’s suite durin
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ut also from its content reflecting
Page 587 and 588:
to the faces of Muslims, fused the
Page 589 and 590:
Rumelia to Anatolia where they coop
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however, provisional anxieties were
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my intentions in the beginning of m
Page 595 and 596:
Ismail’s letter annoyed Selim so
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hunger and thirst! 1900 The situati
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Then Sultan Selim favored this sugg
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efore the Ottomans had time to comp
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miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni
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made to marry Tāc-zāde Cafer Chel
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CHAPTER IX THE AFTERMATH: THE WANIN
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important consequence was that it b
Page 611 and 612:
defeat of Çaldıran, the qizilbash
Page 613 and 614:
These contemporary accounts clearly
Page 615 and 616:
abandoned in practice their unquest
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depersonalization of political auth
Page 619 and 620:
development marked a decisive step
Page 621 and 622:
Khalifa, just like the office of ā
Page 623 and 624:
Muhammad Hudabende; the post of lal
Page 625 and 626:
success emerged. Nonetheless, none
Page 627 and 628:
Temam, when Sultan Selim proceeded
Page 629 and 630:
community within the Ottoman Empire
Page 631 and 632:
egion. 2016 Thenceforth, ‘unortho
Page 633 and 634:
the fading of the political and mil
Page 635 and 636:
lead. 2024 The vakıf of the tekke
Page 637 and 638:
administration tolerated and even e
Page 639 and 640:
social units maintaining a low degr
Page 641 and 642:
CHAPTER X CONCLUSION In the broades
Page 643 and 644:
is obvious that the expansion of th
Page 645 and 646:
synthesized at the cross-section of
Page 647 and 648:
as major ‘qizilbash zones’ and
Page 649 and 650:
territories, from then on the qizil
Page 651 and 652:
Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenārī eş-ş
Page 653 and 654:
Feridun Bey, Münşeât-ı Selātin
Page 655 and 656:
Menâkıb-ı Sultan Bayezid Han, Bi
Page 657 and 658:
Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Die altosmani
Page 659 and 660:
Aslanoğlu, Đbrahim, Şah Đsmail
Page 661 and 662:
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis, “Sa
Page 663 and 664:
Baykara, Tuncay, “Yatağan’da A
Page 665 and 666:
Cahen, Claude, “Le problème du S
Page 667 and 668:
Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik
Page 669 and 670:
Fisher, Sydney Nettleton,The Foreig
Page 671 and 672:
Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki, “Fazlu
Page 673 and 674:
Đnalcık, Halil, "Osmanlılar’da
Page 675 and 676:
and Society, Bloomington: Indiana U
Page 677 and 678:
Kissling, “Osmanlı Đmparatorlu
Page 679 and 680:
Lindner, Rudi Paul, Nomads and Otto
Page 681 and 682:
Mélikoff, Irène, “La Montagne e
Page 683 and 684:
Newman, Andrew, “The Myth of Cler
Page 685 and 686:
Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, “Syncrétisme
Page 687 and 688:
Pastoral Production and Societies,
Page 689 and 690:
Sarıkaya, Saffet, XIII-XVI. Asırl
Page 691 and 692:
Stephane Yérasimos, La Foundation
Page 693 and 694:
Tapper, Richard, “Anthropologists
Page 695 and 696:
Ünal, Mehmet Ali, XVI. Yüzyılda
Page 697 and 698:
APPENDIX A: CHRONOLOGY 1326 The dea
Page 699 and 700:
1505 Ismail's ambassador in Istanbu
Page 701 and 702:
APPENDIX B: A SELECT LIST OF DOCUME
Page 703 and 704:
E 5483 Halep Melikü'l-ümerası Ha
Page 705 and 706:
E 6384 Sadi Paşa'nın isyancılar
Page 707 and 708:
E 8350 E 8505 E 8758 E 8922 E 8923
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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