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first described his position as the shadow of God on Earth and the protector of Muslims, 1717 and then stated that the Christian enemies were not in a position to attack the empire; the real enemy of the Ottoman Empire was Shah Ismail, who was threatening the Ottoman realm not only with his increasing military power but also with his ‘heretical’ ideas and great number of disciples within the Ottoman territories as well. 1718 1717 “Hem mana Đslam şahıdur lakab Şahlığ esbābına Hālık sebeb Pes niçün Đslam içün cehd itmeyem Hak tarīki üzre her dem gitmeyem Çünki zıllullah okurlar adımı Gösterem eşyaya istişhādumı Şimdi Đslamun hevā-dārı menem Kande mazlum olsa gām-hārı menem” SKB, pp. 136-7. 1718 Şükrī cites Selim’s utterance which remarkably reflects how Ottoman intelligentsia formulated the position of both sides as follows: Erdebilün şehridin itti hurūc / Çarh ona yār oldı vü virdi ‘urūc Evliya nesli diyü her hās u ‘ām / Ona yüz döndürdü vü şark oldı rām Başa tāc aldı vü çıkdı ol ferid / Âlem ehlin ser-be-ser itdi mürid Şimdi Rum içre müridi çokdurur / Ona meyl itmez vilāyet yokdurur Şark anundur şimdi tā serhadd-i Hind / Âciz olmuşdur elinden Hind Sind Şah Đsmail iderler nām ana / Ta’na eyler lik hās u ‘ām ana Mustafa şer’ine mānidür bu gün / Kendü etvārıyla kānidür bu gün Din-i Đslam ile anun kini var / Kendü zu’m-ı fasidince dini var Yok zamanında mesācidden eser / Ni medāris var ni Kur’an u haber Mü’minün katlin mübah itmiş durur / Ol tarafdan merhamet gitmiş durur Küfre ol gāyetde virmüşdür revaç / Kim ‘alāmatını itmiş başa tāc ................... .................. Hancaru ‘azm itse kan itdi müdām / Kana gark oldı o kişverler tamām Ol diyārı ser-be-ser aldı fesād / Benden ister Musul u Bağdād dād Leşkeri bī-had velī kāfir kamu / Kılıcın gidiser āhır hamu Đşleri zulm ü siyāsetdür hemin / Fitneden hāli değül maşrık-ı zemin Başlarında tāc vardur lāle-vār / Yir yüzin tāc-ıla itsem lāle-zār Katline fetvā viribdür ehl-i din / Ekser ehl-i dine eyler kahr u kin Bir fesād itmişdür ol müfsid ki dehr / Çekmemiş Nemrūd elinden böyle kahr Ol diyārı yakdı zulm ile tamām / Din ‘adūsı oldur imdi ve’s-selām Fitne-i Ye’cüc ile toldı zemin / Lik men Đskenderem iy dūr-bin Tanrıdan Đslama hāmi gelmişem / Halaka anun-çün kirāmi gelmişem Benden iy erkān-ı devlet vehm idün / Neyse maksūdum kemāhi fehm idün Gayrı şaha siz kıyās itmen meni / Oda düşmen iktibās itmen meni Azm ü cezm idem budur Tabrize men / Sıdk ile kasd idem ol hūn-rīze men Ger bana tevfīk olursa reh-nümān / Sürha-serden gösterem deryā-yı hūn Yā alam halk intikamın bi’t-tamam / Yā idem yek-ser cihānı ona rām Hayfın ehl-i Đslamın andan alam / Almasam ol hayfı koy andan kalam Ref’ itmiş adl u istihkāmı ol / Pāy-māl itmiş tamām Đslamı ol Def’i farz-ı ‘ayn olubdur Tanrı-çün / Zimmetümde deyn olubdur Tanrı-çün Đtmesem ger def’ makbul olmazam / Küllikim rā’ınnda mes’ul olmazam Zulm u isyān def’i içün gelmişem / Hāssa kāfir def’i içün gelmişem Şimdi men hod bir gazāvāt isterem / Küfr āsārından āyāt isterem. 511
Selim, as reflected in Şükrī’s account, not only underscores the religious heresy of Ismail and his followers but also depicts them as oppressors killing true Muslims, pillaging their properties, devastating Islamic monuments, and assaulting the great symbols of (Sunni) Islam. 1719 He pictures Ismail as a great source of astray who pursued the path of evil and abandoned the order of Muhammad on Earth 1720 ; indeed, he was a See SKB, pp. 137-8. Also consider YSF, who rephrases Selim’s utterance in this divan as follows: “… Đmdi bu peyāmdan netice-i meram budur ki şark diyārın serāser kabza-i tasarrufa alan Erdebiloğlu dedikleri habīs-i lebīs nesl-i vilāyet iddiasın ide. Evbaş kesīre baş olub, yevmen fe-yevm bağī savaşın eyleye. Şahlık tahtına lihak ve selātin tahtına otak bağlamış, anın hūz u hurūf ve mürekkebāt-ı tā’tıl-ı şer’ u tahlil-i muharremāt üzere mebnī olduğundan gayri mensūbe-i şeytaniyye ile nice şahı mat idüb nısf-ı kāinata ahkām yürütmüş. ... Ulemā-i din ve fukahā-i müsliminden anın hāli istihyār ve ef’āli istifsār olundukda nakilleri muvāfık, sözleri mutābık ol tāği-i bāğinin zulm ü inād ve küfre irtidādın hükm idüb, demi helāl ve kıtāli efdāl-i ā’mal olduğuna fetvā verdiler. Đmdi ol zālimin cevr-i kahırdan def’ etmeye azm eyledim. Asker çeküb üzerina varmak isterim. Görek sizin dahi re’yiniz nedir? ...” See YSF, pp. 135- 9. HSE and SLZ follow similar line of narration. See HSE4, p. 170; SLZ2, pp. 14-15. Lütfi Paşa, the famous grand vizier of Suleyman I, re-phrases Sultan Selim’s utterance as follows: “Andan Sultan Selim devlet erkānlarını cem’ idüb didi kim: “Ey benim can ve gönülden müridlerim! Sizlere bu (sic) nice sözüm vardur, gözünüzü ve kulağınızı benden yana tutun. Bir sözüm budur ki cibilletimde konulan şeca’at berk urub cenk arzusun ider ve düşmana yeryüzünü tenk (ﺗ) eylemek diler. Ve bir sözüm dahi budur ki bu kadar mal ve menāl ve bu kadar esbāb ve bu kadar asker hayfā kim bunlar şöylece hāli tura! Böyle leşker, böyle haşmet kimde var Böyle meleket böyle kut kimde var Hayf kim geçmiş Feridun yohsa ben Gösterürdüm āna bezm u encümen Ve bir sözüm dahī budur ki çünki bize zıllu’l-llah ve sultan-ı ehl-i Đslam diyū lakab komuşlardur niçun ehli Đslam’a mu’īn ve hevādār olmayavuz. Ve bir sözüm dahī budur ki Şah Đsmail kanlumuzdur ki Sultan Ahmed oğlı Sultan Murad yanına varub sığındığu içün katl eyledi. Ve’l-hāsıl murad budur kim serdar-ı Acem Şeyh Haydar oğlı Şah Đsmail rıfz mezhebin ihtiyār idüb sünniler katlini gendüye ve gendü etbā’ī şeyātin-rehberlerine helal görüb mescidleri ve medreseleri oda urub küfrün gāyet revācın virüb ve din-i Đslamı gāyet zelil idüb...Andan sonra Selim vüzerāsına emr idüb “Ceddümüz Sultan Muhammed zamanında (208) Hasan dırāz üzerine ne mikdār yarak ile vardı ise siz bir nice ol kadar eylen!” diyū emr itdi.” See Lütfi Paşa, Tevārih-i Âl-i Osman, haz. ‘Âli, Đstanbul, 1341, pp. 207-8. Also consider HSE4, pp. 169-170; TNSS, p. 33. 1719 Such Ottoman accusations of Shah Ismail are repeated by the Venetian sources, but of course in a praising manner in this case. A report from 1502 reads, for example, “Aming [Ismail’s] notable acts, to show his contempt for the Muslim faith he brought horses into the Turkish mosques in [in Erzincan] and tied up dogs inside, and then he destroyed the mosques down to their foundations. He ordered the restoration of a Christian church, half ruined previously by the Turks, and adorned it in all solemnity. … He ordered all the Muslim books to be burned, persuading the people that they must abandon the vain and false Muslim tenets and adore the living God. …” Sanuto, I Diarii, 4: 485-9, quoted in Palmira Brummett, “The Myth of Shah Ismail Safavi: Political Rhetoric and ‘Divine’ Kinship”, in Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam, edited by John Victor Tolan, New York, London: Garland Publishing, 1996, p. 342. Ludovico d’Varthema, another Venetian source writes, “[Ismail] was going through the country putting everywhere to fire and flame; and especially killed all those who believed in Bubachar [Abu Bakr] and Othman [Uthman] and Aumur [Umar].” Quoted in Brummett, p.343. 1720 Similarly in his letter (fetih-nāme), which was written after the battle of Çaldıran, to Süleyman, Selim narrates the prelude of the battle as follows: “Before embarking the battle, I have sent my messengers to Ismail who declared him his fallacious faith. They also affirmed that the rightly guided religious scholars agreed on his blasphemy and issued sanctions for the execution of him and his followers. I have informed him on that because of above-mentioned reasons, cleaning his dirty presence from the surface of earth 512
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE
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ABSTRACT TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPI
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ÖZET ĐKĐ ĐMPARATORLUK ARASINDA
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before everything
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA Eskandar B
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Selim-nâme Literature, Berlin: Kla
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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Source mate
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………
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8.4. The Persecution of Anatolian Q
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and feeding the qizilbash sentiment
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Needless to say, the emergence, mol
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accumulation of power soon made the
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glories of the Ottoman army. Toward
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in the second half of the sixteenth
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the role of the Sufis of Lāhijan i
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Çağatay Uluçay’s three article
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Lastly, as for the main characteris
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no.790. The whole collection has be
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of this last section is open to spe
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struggle between two powers is refl
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Selim to the throne in April 24, 15
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Apart from these Selim-nāmes, Hayd
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1.2.2. Safavid Sources The Safavid
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above. More interesting is that the
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1.2.3. Italian Sources When Shah Is
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CHAPTER II A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
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settled tribes in several parts of
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were alien. These sedentary neighbo
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So, in Barfield’s terminology, th
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elations on kinship basis. 105 The
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a map of real blood bonds. He notif
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economic dependence on non-tribal s
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Furthermore, the office, an imperso
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shown, for the purpose of the prese
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in tribal or sub-tribal societies b
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community to whom he/she belongs. I
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One other substantial basis subsidi
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along with many other historians an
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Let us rob them together. But if yo
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ureaucracy, and sophisticated socia
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One may safely argue that the proce
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transformation of the beylik from t
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interconnected, for the tribal warr
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groups merged in time and turned in
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On the other hand, reliable sources
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end of the fourteenth century or in
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hagiographies 203 genuinely reflect
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Turkoman begs. On one occasion Osma
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Umur and said, “From now on call
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friend of Kızıldeli amongst the f
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creed was a syncretism composed of
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ather it merged into the Bektashi O
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One should note that in the late th
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Indeed, in the first half of the fo
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Turkoman warriors to Osman’s ento
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Ottomans took advantage of sedentar
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organized on tribal basis, but loya
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army. Orhan learns the method from
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the Turkish language and culture. A
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One should also note that the Janis
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dynasty. 277 Aşıkpaşazāde’s e
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3.2.2. The Rise of the Ottoman Elit
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and other danişmends as immediate
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Comes either for a hope of a minist
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statesmen appeared in the course of
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the realm” or “nizām-ı ālem
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As Đnalcık formulized long ago, t
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made it difficult to govern them. 3
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paradoxically constitutes one of th
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useless, even harmful, act and rega
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to transform the state still bearin
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to obey the law, Rüstem, replies:
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Most of the events mentioned in the
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period, and tribal chiefs. However,
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of the empire; their loyal akıncı
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of foremost akıncı dynasties like
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historians employ the term ‘Türk
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transformed into modest ‘re’āy
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Turgutlu tribe. 365 As will be deli
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the death of Kasım Beg, his comman
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Contemporary sources clearly indica
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As already delineated, Mehmed II fi
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3.4. CONCLUSION By the second half
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CHAPTER IV TURKOMANS AND THE SAFAVI
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write a satisfactory history of the
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Safa offers plentiful information a
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lessings of His Holy Exhalations!)
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“région turcophone”. 432 Despi
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dignity of Aaron (Hārūn) the magn
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prisoners, upon becoming Safavid di
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siege, Timur’s forces managed to
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far. 469 During Shaykh Ibrahim’s
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4.2. SHAYKH JUNAYD (1447-1460): TUR
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to Shah Ismail and his descendants.
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devoted to explaining how this tran
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einforced by marrying with the daug
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Mohammedan law, oppressing learned
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A comprehensive risāle preserved i
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according to the anonymous writer,
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the following pages I will analyze,
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Shaikh Safī’s children, the whol
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literature, which is summarized abo
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Ardabil and with his disciples in o
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historians that the Ottomans dispat
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on Erzincan and Sivas; the latter,
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that the copied books were availabl
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of the four true sects, in which sh
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Haydar, and Shah Ismā’īl merely
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However, the foot-prints of this do
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mastership or merit in Sufism. Furt
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strong foot-hold among them. Warrio
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danger only by leaving behind all h
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first in 1335 and second in 1348. 5
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So, putting these two facts togethe
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4.2.4.5. The Aqqoyunlu Palace: Legi
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Junayd to legitimize his already em
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manner against Shaykh Junayd, but h
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4.3. SHAYKH HAYDAR (1460-1488): THE
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tune down the devoted extremism tha
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subjects.” 649 Khunjī goes furth
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was the customary gear in those day
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was in 1484 and the Shaykh’s real
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Then Farruhyasar finished his lette
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avoid one’s fate.” 692 Likewise
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“especially [with] his lieutenant
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‘savage-like’ pastoral nomads a
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looked upon the shaykh as their qib
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Despites all his sunni biases, his
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during the Haydar’s term as well.
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temporal and spiritual authority; t
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‘new’ here is nothing other tha
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5.1. THE CONCEALMENT PERIOD: PREPER
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in 1493, he welcomed them in Tabriz
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other things, but since they were n
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his enemies with 300 qizilbash devo
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Ismail stayed approximately four an
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maintaining the communication and n
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5.1.3. The Advent (Hurūj) of Ismai
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account; but mistakenly narrates as
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The anonymous author then recites t
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servants to bring his own sword, wh
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would conquer all Iran and Azarbaij
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5.2. ISMAIL’S ASCENDANCE TO POWER
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eği kaçdı. Tebriz’i yağma etd
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of Jahanshah Karakoyunlu, in Gökç
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communication between fighting qizi
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Abdi Beg Shamlu with 200 and 300 fi
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quelques caractéristiques typiquem
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eign of Shah Ismail, married the si
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traditional structure, who were not
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arriving group (tribe or oymaq) and
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ody of the Safavid army. Each han a
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power. 934 By pretending so, Ismail
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such as Muhammad Han Ustaclu, Abdi
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education and training, their privi
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father of Muhammad Han Ustaclu, fel
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5.2.3. Ismail’s Second War: the T
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Alvand Mirza barely managed to flee
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Muhammad Zakariya, who had been the
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not one of them alive!” 987 As Br
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those great āmirs during both batt
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kurmışlardı. Zalām-ı şām-ı
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a messenger to the governor of Siva
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Eyle olsa ol taifenin hakikat-i hā
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Zamanla akrabası demin dava etmekd
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communication with the other side,
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terms usually nomadic tribes becaus
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Kemalpaşazāde reports that some o
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were confused about the disciples o
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villages became devoid of people. 1
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evenue sources remained the same. A
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Side (Şark Cānibi), i.e. Iran. 10
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argues that the real reason of Isma
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Nonetheless, the connection between
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the Ottoman Empire 1086 , to protes
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capture some principal Dulkadir for
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who was found on the way going to I
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military measures in eastern provin
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confront Ismail’s forces. 1117 Ho
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The Ottomans, on the other hand, ke
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not the Ottomans. This being the ca
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ground for the enthronement of Seli
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stratified social structure on top
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According to the Ottoman court hist
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doomsday’. 1158 The people of Ana
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igorously deem both Ismail and the
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the command of Karagöz Pasha and s
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Ottoman realm had totally vanished;
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only the temporal benefits offered
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is that they set fire to even cāmi
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messianism. 1203 It is not coincide
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to the aforesaid Il he performed ma
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According to Hasan-ı Rumlu, Şahku
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sermon. During his sermon the shayk
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of the Order. One feels legitimized
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We learn from this document that Ş
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khalifas, launch a campaign on Otto
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the framework of the Ottoman domest
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disease and fell devoid of timar.
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Kızıloğlu, Köleoğlu, Mehmed Be
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eport that Şahkulu’s force was r
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At the beginning, Şahkulu gathered
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the rebellion clearly reveal his ul
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successfully created a revolutionar
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to convince the head of the Janissa
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against his two brothers. Ahmed dem
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governors and of Karagöz Pasha, bu
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strongly believed in suppressing th
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arrival of a messenger from the Por
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soldiers behind; 1347 he chose 500
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he was not killed and did not go to
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and arrived there before the Anatol
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the otaga on and prostrated ‘acco
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As for the first one, one may attri
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Kütahya seems to be the turning po
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Show me a small corner of hospice s
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CHAPTER VII THE QIZILBASH FACTOR IN
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Although one might partially attrib
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diplomacy and some other with coerc
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7.1.3. Second Confrontation: Assaul
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olub ol senkīn kayalardan çıkub,
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Another aspect of Selim-Ismail stru
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was appointed as governor of Kefe.
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was at the same time regarded as th
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Ahmed in such a degree that Ahmed
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that his valuable activities were n
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should be remembered that Ahmed was
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Vizier Ali Pasha was assigned to su
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August 3, 1511 (Cemāzī I 8, 911).
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not yet attached to Qizilbash movem
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would be the next sultan, their est
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and old age while his subjects fell
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Istanbul throughout his journey. As
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an oath that they would accept the
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But the most effective branch of Ot
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sultan 1551 , the Janissaries’ di
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Ahmed began to behave as if he had
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instead of Amasya can be accounted
Page 479 and 480: however, different. After Selim pro
Page 481 and 482: were the champions of the oppositio
Page 483 and 484: Janissaries, there was another mili
Page 485 and 486: Taceddin Beg, who was the Karaman B
Page 487 and 488: ve yardım ona kılsun kim inşaall
Page 489 and 490: 7.2.3. Prince Murad, Nur Ali Khalif
Page 491 and 492: qizilbashes of Anatolia had conside
Page 493 and 494: Sultan Ahmed sent troops against th
Page 495 and 496: According to Idrīs, and some other
Page 497 and 498: Shah. Celalzāde says, on the other
Page 499 and 500: included him in his suit. Then they
Page 501 and 502: yağmaladıkları mukarrer. Sultan
Page 503 and 504: governor of Sivas. 1639 So Kemalpa
Page 505 and 506: meantime, two Safavid khalifs, Şah
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Page 509 and 510: Mehmed’s letter clarifies two cru
Page 511 and 512: Şadi Beg says that Ismail warned D
Page 513 and 514: next spring. The qizilbash propagan
Page 515 and 516: Dulkadir. 1679 Of course Taş-ili,
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Page 519 and 520: CHAPTER VIII ÇALDIRAN, 1514: THE A
Page 521 and 522: disclaim their tendency since the o
Page 523 and 524: strong public expectations indicate
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Page 527 and 528: group. Indeed, the Ottoman sultans
Page 529: Selim-nāme authors unanimously nar
Page 533 and 534: Idrīs also emphasizes this point a
Page 535 and 536: advises Sultan Selim that the ‘re
Page 537 and 538: he blamed the statesmen and the sch
Page 539 and 540: also appears another word which wou
Page 541 and 542: Solakzāde states that Ismail made
Page 543 and 544: their opinion about the legitimacy
Page 545 and 546: to the statesmen as participants of
Page 547 and 548: the qizilbashes and dispersing them
Page 549 and 550: sentiments among the Ottoman elite
Page 551 and 552: it repeats the name of the author,
Page 553 and 554: about the identity of Hamza. He cla
Page 555 and 556: or ‘Mevlāna Arab’. 1786 His fa
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Page 559 and 560: fanatic anti-qizilbash stand was li
Page 561 and 562: already discussed the despising att
Page 563 and 564: of ulemā must have written fetvās
Page 565 and 566: that Süleyman I waged a campaign o
Page 567 and 568: damned until doomsday.” 1817 Then
Page 569 and 570: population. 1821 Although this rati
Page 571 and 572: the people to be killed. The number
Page 573 and 574: egister, he would be aware of the s
Page 575 and 576: Lütfi Çelebi veled-i Bazarluoğlu
Page 577 and 578: Dülbendbastı Ali Amasiyye Ahmed .
Page 579 and 580: qizilbash movements, and those who
Page 581 and 582:
Kasım (?) Karye-i Hallar Torul cen
Page 583 and 584:
joining Shah Ismail’s suite durin
Page 585 and 586:
ut also from its content reflecting
Page 587 and 588:
to the faces of Muslims, fused the
Page 589 and 590:
Rumelia to Anatolia where they coop
Page 591 and 592:
however, provisional anxieties were
Page 593 and 594:
my intentions in the beginning of m
Page 595 and 596:
Ismail’s letter annoyed Selim so
Page 597 and 598:
hunger and thirst! 1900 The situati
Page 599 and 600:
Then Sultan Selim favored this sugg
Page 601 and 602:
efore the Ottomans had time to comp
Page 603 and 604:
miğfer ve cevşen ü siper māni
Page 605 and 606:
made to marry Tāc-zāde Cafer Chel
Page 607 and 608:
CHAPTER IX THE AFTERMATH: THE WANIN
Page 609 and 610:
important consequence was that it b
Page 611 and 612:
defeat of Çaldıran, the qizilbash
Page 613 and 614:
These contemporary accounts clearly
Page 615 and 616:
abandoned in practice their unquest
Page 617 and 618:
depersonalization of political auth
Page 619 and 620:
development marked a decisive step
Page 621 and 622:
Khalifa, just like the office of ā
Page 623 and 624:
Muhammad Hudabende; the post of lal
Page 625 and 626:
success emerged. Nonetheless, none
Page 627 and 628:
Temam, when Sultan Selim proceeded
Page 629 and 630:
community within the Ottoman Empire
Page 631 and 632:
egion. 2016 Thenceforth, ‘unortho
Page 633 and 634:
the fading of the political and mil
Page 635 and 636:
lead. 2024 The vakıf of the tekke
Page 637 and 638:
administration tolerated and even e
Page 639 and 640:
social units maintaining a low degr
Page 641 and 642:
CHAPTER X CONCLUSION In the broades
Page 643 and 644:
is obvious that the expansion of th
Page 645 and 646:
synthesized at the cross-section of
Page 647 and 648:
as major ‘qizilbash zones’ and
Page 649 and 650:
territories, from then on the qizil
Page 651 and 652:
Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenārī eş-ş
Page 653 and 654:
Feridun Bey, Münşeât-ı Selātin
Page 655 and 656:
Menâkıb-ı Sultan Bayezid Han, Bi
Page 657 and 658:
Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Die altosmani
Page 659 and 660:
Aslanoğlu, Đbrahim, Şah Đsmail
Page 661 and 662:
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis, “Sa
Page 663 and 664:
Baykara, Tuncay, “Yatağan’da A
Page 665 and 666:
Cahen, Claude, “Le problème du S
Page 667 and 668:
Eberhard, Elke, Osmanische Polemik
Page 669 and 670:
Fisher, Sydney Nettleton,The Foreig
Page 671 and 672:
Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki, “Fazlu
Page 673 and 674:
Đnalcık, Halil, "Osmanlılar’da
Page 675 and 676:
and Society, Bloomington: Indiana U
Page 677 and 678:
Kissling, “Osmanlı Đmparatorlu
Page 679 and 680:
Lindner, Rudi Paul, Nomads and Otto
Page 681 and 682:
Mélikoff, Irène, “La Montagne e
Page 683 and 684:
Newman, Andrew, “The Myth of Cler
Page 685 and 686:
Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, “Syncrétisme
Page 687 and 688:
Pastoral Production and Societies,
Page 689 and 690:
Sarıkaya, Saffet, XIII-XVI. Asırl
Page 691 and 692:
Stephane Yérasimos, La Foundation
Page 693 and 694:
Tapper, Richard, “Anthropologists
Page 695 and 696:
Ünal, Mehmet Ali, XVI. Yüzyılda
Page 697 and 698:
APPENDIX A: CHRONOLOGY 1326 The dea
Page 699 and 700:
1505 Ismail's ambassador in Istanbu
Page 701 and 702:
APPENDIX B: A SELECT LIST OF DOCUME
Page 703 and 704:
E 5483 Halep Melikü'l-ümerası Ha
Page 705 and 706:
E 6384 Sadi Paşa'nın isyancılar
Page 707 and 708:
E 8350 E 8505 E 8758 E 8922 E 8923
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TURKOMANS BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: THE ... - Bilkent University

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