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Preproceedings 2006 - Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society

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Reflections on Ethics and Cultural Clash<br />

Peter P. Kirschenmann, Vrije University, The Netherlands<br />

1. Introduction<br />

In commentaries on the recent uproar about the Danish<br />

cartoons, many have called for an intensification of<br />

intercultural dialogue. What they mean, of course, is a<br />

civilized dialogue, abiding by the norms of mutual respect,<br />

fair exchange of ideas, free of insults or threats. Although<br />

as a procedural basis for ethics as a whole, such norms<br />

have been articulated explicitly by discourse ethicists.<br />

Other commentators submitted that we need to<br />

reconsider our ethics. What, rightly, counts as a central<br />

ethical issue is the question of free speech and its<br />

limitations.<br />

But we know that, even when an intercultural<br />

dialogue or a reconsideration of our ethics would take<br />

place, offensive words, threats or violent actions could, in<br />

the real world, resurge at any time. Manipulation, power<br />

play, verbal or physical aggression will then take over.<br />

Ethical considerations will then seem to have to be<br />

replaced by those of prudence or retaliation. Or do, or<br />

should, ethical considerations not still play a role even in<br />

war-like situations?<br />

I shall discuss a few ethical issues involved in the<br />

cultural clash in question, both its substantial ethical focus<br />

and ethical aspects of the way it has been conducted. We<br />

shall see that ethical considerations often are but feeble<br />

factors in the tangle of predominantly non-moral motives.<br />

2. Free Speech and Its Limitations<br />

In Western democracies, the freedom of expression of<br />

ideas is constitutionally guaranteed. It also figures in the<br />

United Nations Charter and is part of the Universal<br />

Declaration of Human Rights. It is one of the civil rights,<br />

mainly meant to protect citizens, their autonomy and<br />

dignity, against governmental interference and censorship.<br />

This right has its limitations. In Germany, for instance,<br />

expressions of opinions which tend to disturb the public<br />

peace are excluded. In the US, there is the “fighting words<br />

doctrine”, which prohibits “hate speech”. However, there is<br />

a large grey zone of what is prohibited and what not. It is<br />

telling that in just about all legal cases, the US Supreme<br />

Court did not uphold any conviction for fighting words.<br />

Quite generally, many moral norms of societies are<br />

codified in their constitutional and legal systems. They can,<br />

then, be legally enforced by penalties, which forms one of<br />

the prerogatives of the respective state. Yet, there are<br />

severe differences between such systems, particularly<br />

between Western liberal democracies and Islamic<br />

countries whose juridical system is based on the Sharia. A<br />

glaring instance is the difference between freedom of<br />

religion and the death penalty for one falling from Islamic<br />

faith. Such differences form an influential background of<br />

the cartoon conflict, the most pertinent one being given by<br />

the Islamic traditions of prohibiting pictures of Muhammad<br />

(and also people or animals), let alone satirical ones.<br />

Within a given Western state, offended parties in<br />

transgressions of the limits of free speech, apart from<br />

expressing their moral disapproval publicly, can at least<br />

have their complaint dealt with by its own juridical system.<br />

144<br />

Especially in a globalized world with instant electronic<br />

communication, the cartoon affair could not be contained<br />

to Denmark. It has mainly been in other, Arab countries<br />

that indignant parties acted out their protest.<br />

Because of these circumstances, M. Zeeman (<strong>2006</strong>)<br />

contended that, if “we are willing to take the vulnerability of<br />

religious believers seriously ... then we must search for a<br />

new ethics for a globalized world, ... for the relationship<br />

between modernity and religion”. He means, we can no<br />

longer haughtily insist that freedom of religion and its<br />

undisturbed practice can only be granted on our<br />

conditions. “Responsibility may then be preferable to<br />

freedom. ... Self-control may here be much more<br />

courageous than seeking out the limits of others’ tolerance<br />

and of the legally permitted freedom of expression of<br />

opinion.”<br />

Strictly speaking, what Zeeman proposes is not a<br />

new ethics, novel moral principles or values. He says,<br />

firstly, in morally evaluating our actions, we cannot restrict<br />

ourselves to considering only their consequences in our<br />

own country, in the light of our own legal system.<br />

Secondly, in such evaluations, we have the extended<br />

responsibility of weighing the religious sensibilities in other<br />

cultures very carefully. Thus, his suggestions seem to go<br />

not really beyond standard utilitarian ethics. Yet, once the<br />

“consequences” of our actions consist of fairly<br />

unpredictable reactions of others, matters get complicated<br />

– and there is no standard risk ethics. Note, finally, that<br />

Zeeman seems to speak only about our ethics and the<br />

new ethics we need. Should the “new ethics” not hold for<br />

everyone – in line with the universality pretension of all<br />

ethics?<br />

The universality claim of documents on free speech<br />

and on human rights in general, though, has all along met<br />

with criticism. Countries stressing the importance of<br />

community and tradition have criticized this claim for being<br />

an expression of Western individualism, “Enlightenment<br />

fundamentalism”, or just capitalist imperialism. Addressing<br />

this tension, B. Oomen (<strong>2006</strong>) recently argued that human<br />

rights should not be considered dogmatically as a “block of<br />

granite”, but also not relativistically as holding only in<br />

certain cultures. As a third way, she advocates a “process<br />

approach”, borrowing the term from a Muslim human rights<br />

activist. Human rights should be regarded as “an outcome<br />

of a dialogue between parties”. They should, in<br />

negotiations, find their translation into the vocabulary of<br />

the respective cultural and religious convictions. Among<br />

the examples given of successes of this approach is the<br />

constitutional abolishment of the death penalty in South<br />

Africa, based as it was on both human rights and African<br />

religion. I do not doubt the possibility and value of such<br />

convergences. Yet, certain oppositions will remain<br />

unbridgeable, like that between human rights advocacy<br />

and countries not prepared to abolish the death penalty.<br />

3. Other Types of Freedom<br />

Some Western constitutions expressly guarantee the<br />

freedom of the arts and sciences. Also, in the US, free<br />

speech has been broadly interpreted as freedom of<br />

expression, be it verbal, non-verbal, visual, symbolic,<br />

artistic. Now, I have seen no commentary discussing even

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