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Encyclopedia of Evolution.pdf - Online Reading Center

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though the eugenics to which Galton applied them has now<br />

been discredited. Galton also developed the use <strong>of</strong> percentile<br />

scores and the survey method <strong>of</strong> psychological research.<br />

He was the first to use identical (monozygotic) and fraternal<br />

(dizygotic) twins in the study <strong>of</strong> human inheritance patterns<br />

even though the eugenic conclusions he reached are no longer<br />

believed (see essay, “How Much Do Genes Control Human<br />

Behavior?”). Therefore Galton’s techniques, although not his<br />

scientific theories, pervade modern genetic and psychological<br />

research.<br />

Galton’s 1869 book Hereditary Genius outlined his<br />

conviction that intelligence was primarily inherited. Galton<br />

believed that the rapid population growth <strong>of</strong> the lower<br />

classes, and the declining fertility <strong>of</strong> the upper classes, would<br />

lead to a national loss <strong>of</strong> intelligence. (It is interesting that<br />

Galton, who considered himself one <strong>of</strong> the intelligent elite,<br />

had no children.) He even advocated restrictions that would<br />

prohibit reproduction by people whom his tests identified as<br />

feebleminded. His statistical methods did, in fact, prove that<br />

there was a significant correlation between intelligence and<br />

heredity. What he seems to have ignored is that it is not just<br />

genes that are inherited in human societies. Culture is passed<br />

on through families as well. The lower classes may have<br />

scored lower on Galton’s tests <strong>of</strong> mental ability not because<br />

<strong>of</strong> inferior genes but because, generation after generation,<br />

they had been denied access to economic and educational<br />

opportunities. This would have explained his significant<br />

correlations just as well as the eugenic explanations Galton<br />

<strong>of</strong>fered. Moreover, the very questions that were asked on his<br />

surveys presupposed a knowledge <strong>of</strong> English culture and language;<br />

Africans scored as low on his English tests as Englishmen<br />

would have on tests conducted in Swahili about African<br />

culture. Today, all scientists recognize what Galton apparently<br />

did not: Correlation is not the same as causation.<br />

Although Galton’s principal scientific accomplishments<br />

have been discredited, many <strong>of</strong> his techniques, from fingerprints<br />

to statistics, play an essential role in the world today.<br />

He died February 17, 1911.<br />

Further <strong>Reading</strong><br />

Allen, G. “The measure <strong>of</strong> a Victorian polymath: Pulling together the<br />

strands <strong>of</strong> Francis Galton’s legacy to modern biology.” Nature<br />

145 (2002): 19–20.<br />

Bynum, W. F. “The childless father <strong>of</strong> eugenics.” Science 296 (2002):<br />

472.<br />

Gillham, Nicholas Wright. A Life <strong>of</strong> Sir Francis Galton: From African<br />

Exploration to the Birth <strong>of</strong> Eugenics. New York: Oxford, 2001.<br />

Tredoux, Gavan. “Galton.org Home Page.” Available online. URL:<br />

http://www.mugu.com/galton/index.html. Accessed March 28,<br />

2005.<br />

gene See DNA (raw material <strong>of</strong> evolution).<br />

gene-culture coevolution Gene-culture coevolution refers<br />

to the influence <strong>of</strong> cultural innovation on genes in a population,<br />

and the effects <strong>of</strong> those genes on culture. The term<br />

coevolution is usually restricted to the mutual evolutionary<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> one species on another. In this case, one <strong>of</strong> the par-<br />

gene-culture coevolution<br />

ticipants in coevolution is the culture <strong>of</strong> a species, and the<br />

other is the genes within its populations. Some evolutionary<br />

scientists (see Wilson, Edward O.; sociobiology)<br />

use gene-culture coevolution as an important mechanism for<br />

explaining the evolution <strong>of</strong> societies and intelligence. Geneculture<br />

coevolution is a more modern form <strong>of</strong> a concept<br />

known as the Baldwin Effect, which evolutionary biologist<br />

George Gaylord Simpson named after a concept proposed in<br />

the late 19th century by evolutionary scientist James Mark<br />

Baldwin.<br />

In order to explain this process, consider one famous<br />

example <strong>of</strong> it. In Britain, some individual blue tits (Parus<br />

caeruleus, a species <strong>of</strong> bird) figured out how to peck the foil<br />

caps <strong>of</strong>f <strong>of</strong> milk bottles left on doorsteps and drink the milk<br />

inside. Other birds watched the ones that could perform this<br />

trick and began doing it themselves. The first part <strong>of</strong> the process,<br />

therefore, was cultural: The birds learned a new behavior<br />

from one another. The existence <strong>of</strong> this behavior causes<br />

a selective advantage for those birds that have the appropriate<br />

physical and behavioral abilities to do this action well:<br />

the ones that are best at recognizing the foil, at performing<br />

the movements to remove the foil. A new resource, unlocked<br />

by behavior, now becomes a selective force that can influence<br />

the gene frequencies <strong>of</strong> the bird population (see natural<br />

selection). The second part <strong>of</strong> the process, then, is genetic.<br />

In turn, these new gene frequencies might allow yet more<br />

cultural innovations, in which the birds can more effectively<br />

steal milk from bottles. It is important to note that the behavior<br />

itself is culturally transmitted, rather than instinctual. The<br />

new behavior cannot imprint itself on the genes; this would<br />

be Lamarckism. No one will ever know what further genetic<br />

changes might have occurred in the bird populations, because<br />

dairies began using bird-pro<strong>of</strong> caps on milk bottles.<br />

Another example, more familiar to modern Americans,<br />

is that birds such as grackles are <strong>of</strong>ten observed to pick<br />

recently killed insects from automobile grilles in parking lots.<br />

This behavior is beneficial because the birds can eat insects<br />

without using energy to pursue them, do so safely because<br />

the automobiles are not moving, and do so efficiently because<br />

many automobiles are in one location. This behavior creates<br />

a situation in which natural selection favors birds that have<br />

an innate preference for parking lots over natural insect habitats.<br />

The behavior is now cultural, but in later centuries may<br />

become genetic.<br />

Another famous example involves Imo, a very smart Japanese<br />

macaque monkey. Imo learned how to wash food items<br />

before eating them. This allowed Imo to eat the food more<br />

efficiently. Other monkeys began imitating Imo. Now there<br />

is a selective advantage for those monkeys that are capable <strong>of</strong><br />

learning and efficiently executing this behavior. The monkeys<br />

that cannot do so might find themselves lower in the social<br />

hierarchy, with reduced or nonexistent reproduction as their<br />

reward.<br />

On the Galápagos Islands, Darwin’s finches have<br />

undergone adaptive radiation into numerous species that<br />

specialize on different foods. Another Pacific island, Cocos,<br />

<strong>of</strong>f the coast <strong>of</strong> Costa Rica, shares one <strong>of</strong> these species <strong>of</strong><br />

finches (Pinaroloxias inornata) with the Galápagos. But

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