Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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106 4. AKATEK, A `TYPICAL' MAYAN LANGUAGE<br />
(45) chi-;-s-tej kam naj [wakax kaw tz'ontaj ]<br />
IMPF-B3-A3-gore die he [cow very sk<strong>in</strong>ny ]<br />
`He kills the malnourished cows.' Penalosa & Say (1992)<br />
The above example shows a VSO order of lexical arguments. However,<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> the reverse order of lexical NPs, VOS, is also grammatical.<br />
As a result, structural ambiguity arises, i.e. it is also possible<br />
to <strong>in</strong>terpret (45) as `The malnourished cows kill him'. Ambiguity is<br />
generally avoided via adequate context or dealt with accord<strong>in</strong>g to an<br />
agency hierarchy, as shown <strong>in</strong> Zavala (1992b) and Schule (1993).<br />
F<strong>in</strong>ally, while <strong>in</strong>dependent pronouns do not exist for rst and second<br />
person, <strong>Akatek</strong> has <strong>in</strong>dependent pronouns for third person referents.<br />
For example, the pronoun naj `he' can occur <strong>in</strong> addition to the<br />
pronom<strong>in</strong>al pre x y- on the <strong>verb</strong> as shown <strong>in</strong> (46).<br />
(46) <strong>in</strong>-y-ootaj naj an<br />
B1-A3-know he CL1s<br />
`He knows me.'<br />
Based on the above observations, the structures of basic <strong>in</strong>transitive<br />
and transitive sentences <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> can be summarized as follows: In <strong>in</strong>transitive<br />
sentences, tense, aspect or negation pre xes (TENSE/ ASP/<br />
NEG) precede a pronom<strong>in</strong>al pre x (B) and the <strong>verb</strong> stem, which -<strong>in</strong><br />
case no other constituent, e.g. an NP or a CL, follows - obta<strong>in</strong>s an <strong>in</strong>transitive<br />
thematic vowel (ITV). Besides be<strong>in</strong>g unmarked for case, the<br />
lexical argument is optional and follows the <strong>verb</strong>al complex. If there<br />
is <strong>in</strong>dication for a clitic, it will occur sentence nally. The structure of<br />
<strong>in</strong>transitive constructions is presented <strong>in</strong> (47).<br />
(47) TENSE/ASP/NEG- B- V<strong>in</strong>tr (-ITV) (NP) (CL)<br />
Transitive constructions follow the same pattern as <strong>in</strong>transitive constructions.<br />
The ma<strong>in</strong> di erence is that <strong>in</strong> transitive constructions, both<br />
core arguments are a xed to the <strong>verb</strong>. The direct object is a set B preor<br />
su x as illustrated <strong>in</strong> (48-a) and (48-b), respectively. The subject<br />
is a set A pre x. Instead of an <strong>in</strong>transitive, a transitive thematic vowel<br />
(TTV) occurs <strong>in</strong> nal position if set B is not su xed. Lexical NPs express<strong>in</strong>g<br />
subject and direct object are unmarked for case and <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong>,<br />
as has been mentioned before, these NPs are exible <strong>in</strong> their post<strong>verb</strong>al<br />
order and optional. The transitive structures are represented <strong>in</strong> (48).<br />
(48) a. TENSE/ASP/NEG- B- A- Vtr (-TTV) (NP, NP) (CL)<br />
b. TENSE/ASP/NEG- A- Vtr -B (NP, NP) (CL)