Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

210 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK
In section 3, I remarked that the matrix verb can either take the complete
type2 complement as a third person argument as in (205-a), or
alternativley take the subject of the complement clause as direct object
with the complete type2 complement clause following as in (205-b).
According to my informant, there is neither a preference nor a meaning
di erence between the two structures. The same holds true for type1
complements, as illustrated in example (206). More literally, (206)
would be translated as `Micaela saw you, that you were sleeping'.
(205) a. x-;-y-il ix Mikin a-wey-i
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A2-sleep-ITV
`Micaela saw you sleeping.'
b. x-ach-y-il ix Mikin a-wey-i
PERF-B2-A3-see NCL Micaela A2-sleep-ITV
`Micaela saw you sleeping.'
(206) x-ach-y-il ix Mikin tol chi-ach-wey-i
PERF-B2-A3-see NCL Micaela COMP IMPF-B2-sleep-ITV
`Micaela saw that you were sleeping.'
Constructions with the progressive auxiliary lalan do allow the clitic
to occur in either location, after the matrix predicate, or at the end of
the complex construction as shown in examples (207-a) and (207-b).
This parallels the behaviour of the clitic in type1 complements with
the complementizer tol, as can be observed in examples (208-a) and
(208-b).
(207) a. x-;-w-il an [lalan-; a-lo'-w
PERF-B3-A1-see CL1s [PROG-B3 A2-eat-AP
a-tx'ojli]
A2-alone]
`I saw you eating alone.'
b. x-;-w-il [lalan-; a-lo'-w a-tx'ojli]
PERF-B3-A1-see [PROG-B3 A2-eat-AP A2-alone]
an
CL1s
`I saw you eating alone.'
(208) a. x-;-w-il an [tol chi-ach-lo'-w
PERF-B3-A1-see CL1s [COMP IMPF-B2-eat-AP
a-tx'ojli]
A2-alone]
`I saw that you were eating alone.'