Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 229
2.2. Pseudo-relative PVCs. In the Romance languages, there
is a tensed complement denoting events, the so called pseudo-relative
construction, which is equivalent in meaning to the ing-PVC in English
(Guasti, 1993). 1 As wh-complements, pseudo-relative PVCs are
excluded from the typology of complementation. However, they are
presented here in order to illustrate that more than the ve complement
types selected for the typological considerations in section 4 can
function as PVCs. Pseudo-relative constructions after perception verbs
in Italian, French, and Spanish, are provided in examples (7-a), (7-b),
and (7-c), respectively.
(7) a. Gianni ha visto [Maria che mangiava la mela].
b. Jean a vu [Maria qui mangeait la pomme].
c. Juan ha visto [a Maria que com a la manzana].
`Gianni saw Maria eating the apple.' Guasti (1993), 141
The evidence from Romance pseudo-relative PVCs supports Hypothesis
VI, namely that PVCs are generally but not exclusively recruited
from among the ve complementtypes included in the investigation of
PVC systems.
2.3. Subjunctive PVCs. In Modern Greek and in Arberesh, an
Albanian dialect spoken in Southern Italy, a subjunctive particle, na
`SP' or te `SP', respectively, modi es the PVC verb while the subject
of the PVC carries accusative case (Dik & Hengeveld, 1991;
Guasti, 1993). Example (8-a) shows an event denoting subjunctive
complement in Greek and (8-b) provides the Arberesh counterpart.
(8) a. O Yiannis ide [tin Maria na troi to milo].
the Yiannis saw [the-ACC Maria SP eats the apple]
b. Xhiuvani ka pare [Marien te haj moghin].
Xhiuvani has seen [Marien-ACC SP ate apple]
`John saw Maria eat the apple.' Guasti (1993), 143
2.4. Paratactic PVCs. The only PARA PVC type among the
languages investigated is Malagasy. PVs in Malagasy are so called
root passives. The basic form of a PV is a passive. To obtain an active
PV, active morphology must be pre xed to such a root passive. An
event denoting PVC in Malagasy is obtained by embedding an active
clause in the subject or object position of the matrix clause. Depending
1 That these pseudo-relatives di er from both restrictive and non-restrictive
relative clauses has been demonstrated in Guasti (1993).