Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

148 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK
but generally unnecessary, since the reference for the possessor argument
is retrieved from the NP preceding the PVC, i.e. the subject NP
of the PV, ix Mikin, isinterpreted as possessor as long as not speci ed
otherwise.
Example (28) shows a di erent organization of the complex construction:
(28) x-;-y-il
[ix Mikin] [s-mam] [y-el-toj]
PERF-B3-A3-hear [NCL Micaela] [A3-father] [A3-leave-DIR]
`Micaela saw her father leave.'
Here, smam `her father' (the reference for the possessor `her' is retrieved
from the preceding NP), appears as the direct object NP of the matrix
PV, while the type2 PVC follows, resulting in the order VSO+Type2.
The ability of matrix PVs in Akatek to take an object adjunct as
well as the PVC is shown in more detail below. The subject NP of
the complement predicate yeltoj in example (28) is retrieved from the
preceding clause, i.e. as long as nothing else is speci ed, it is smam
`her father'.
Example (29) illustrates the alternative VOS argument order with
atype2 PVC, which is an option as long as the type2 complement is
comparatively short.
(29) x-;-y-ab' [s-too s-mam] [ix Mikin]
PERF-B3-A3-hear [A3-go A3-father] [NCL Micaela]
`Micaela heard her father leave.'
Finally, in (30), smam ix Mikin `Micaela's father' is interpreted as
subject NP of the matrix predicate, while Micaela is the one leaving.
(30) x-;-y-ab' [s-mam ix Mikin] [s-too ix]
PERF-B3-A3-hear [A3-father NCL Micaela] [A3-go she]
`Micaela's father heard her leaving.'
If type2 complements are fronted, the result is an ungrammatical
sentence as in (31). However, in section 3.1.7, I demonstrate that
fronting by means of clefting of the whole PVC is grammatical.
(31) *[a-ma'-on in-an] x-;-y-il
[A2-hit-SUF B1-CL1s] PERF-B3-A3-see
`You hit me and Micaela watched.'
ix Mikin
NCL Micaela
The other option to maintain grammaticality when fronting a PVC is
to use a type1 PVC as in (32):