Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 231
(13) n-a-hita an-dRabe [n-iala ny ara] aho
PT-ACT-seen ACC-Rabe [PT-ACT.exit the car] NOM1
`I saw Rabe get out of the car.' Keenan (1996)
2.5. In nitive PVCs. Romance and German have naked in nitivePVCs
with accusative subjects as shown for French in (14) and for
German in (15).
(14) J'ai vu [le chat traverser la rue].
I.have seen [the cat cross the street]
`I saw the cat cross the street.'
(15) Er
he
sah [die Katze springen].
saw [the cat jump]
`He saw the cat jump.'
In Spanish, animate objects of perception are encoded as indirect objects
(16-a). Consequently, NI-PVCs with animate PVC subjects do
not encode them in the accusative case but as indirect objects with the
preposition a `to' as shown in (16-b).
(16) a. Carlos vio al gato.
Carlos 3s.see.PT PREP.ART cat
`Carlos saw the cat.'
b. Carlos vio [al gato subir-se
Carlos 3s.see.PT [PREP.ART cat climb-REFL
al arbol].
PREP.ART tree]
`Carlos saw the cat climb up the tree.'
English has an event denoting INF PVC type, NI-PVC, which even
has a progressive counterpart, the ing-PVC (see chapter 3).
2.6. Nominalized PVCs. Regarding the languages under scrutiny
here, NMLZ PVCs are the most frequently employed constructions for
event denoting PVCs. I separated NMLZ that receive case marking
from the matrix clause as in Japanese from NMLZ with genivite
subjects as in Fiji, Malagasy, or German, and those with accusative
subjects as in Nez Perce.
2.6.1. Case marked nominalization. Japanese PVCs with the nominalizer
no function as direct object complements and are therefore
marked with accusative case. No-PVCs are used for representing events
(17). The verb of the nominalized no-PVC is in the nonpast form, but