Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 37<br />
that have been attributed to PVCtypes. In section 4.2, basic structural<br />
properties of complement types <strong>in</strong> general and PVCs <strong>in</strong> particular are<br />
discussed. As an addendum, <strong>in</strong> section 4.3 I consider non-PV matrix<br />
predicates that are able to embed some of the same complementtypes<br />
which occur with PV matrix predicates. This serves as the typological<br />
basis for the ensu<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>vestigation of non-PV matrix predicates of PVC<br />
types <strong>in</strong> English and <strong>Akatek</strong>.<br />
4.1. Semantic properties. The follow<strong>in</strong>g semantic properties of<br />
event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC types have been noted: Event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC<br />
types need to be temporally simultaneous with the matrix PV, they<br />
need to express someth<strong>in</strong>g perceivable, they cannot be negated, and<br />
cannot alternatively be embedded by knowledge predicates (Dik &<br />
Hengeveld, 1991). Proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC types, on the other<br />
hand, can, but need not, be simultaneous, can, but need not, convey<br />
perceivable content, can be negated and can be embedded by knowledge<br />
matrix predicates. In addition, the modi cation of a PVC with<br />
sentential ad<strong>verb</strong>ials or evidentials ensures a propositional <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />
(Gee, 1977; Monnich, 1992b).<br />
An observation shall be added here regard<strong>in</strong>g the behavior of the<br />
matrix PV. There is a restriction for proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs that<br />
their matrix PVs cannot admit the progressive. This is due to the fact<br />
that stative, i.e. here cognitive, predicates <strong>in</strong> general lack the ability<br />
to occur <strong>in</strong> the progressive form.<br />
(22) a. We're see<strong>in</strong>g Apollo 19 take o .<br />
Kirsner & Thompson (1976), 221<br />
b. *We're see<strong>in</strong>g that Apollo 19 takes/is tak<strong>in</strong>g o .<br />
Declerck (1983), 34<br />
c. *We're see<strong>in</strong>g the gure to be a woman.<br />
Declerck (1983), 37<br />
The only two semantic properties considered <strong>in</strong> this section are the<br />
simultaneity requirement for event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs and the use of<br />
evidentials for proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs. Detailed accounts of the<br />
semantic properties of PVCs <strong>in</strong> English and <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> are presented <strong>in</strong><br />
chapters 3 and 5, respectively.<br />
In order for a PVCtobeevent denot<strong>in</strong>g, simultaneitybetween the<br />
act of perception and the perceived event is obligatory. Simultaneity<br />
can either be assured by <strong>complements</strong> lack<strong>in</strong>g tense/aspect or by<br />
<strong>complements</strong> adher<strong>in</strong>g to speci c tense/aspect restrictions as shown <strong>in</strong><br />
chapter 6, section 2.7. Primarily proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs are aspectually<br />
and temporally unrestricted (among others, Guasti (1993)).