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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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182 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />

to howi as demonstrated <strong>in</strong> example (127-b), then <strong>verb</strong> obta<strong>in</strong>s an<br />

<strong>in</strong>choative <strong>in</strong>terpretation, so that the process is made explicit and the<br />

sentence is fully grammatical.<br />

(127) a. ? ;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> s-howi ix un<strong>in</strong><br />

B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A3-be.angry NCL child<br />

`Micaela saw the boy be<strong>in</strong>g angry.'<br />

b. y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> s-howi el ix un<strong>in</strong><br />

B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A3-be.angry DIR NCL child<br />

`Micaela saw the girl gett<strong>in</strong>g/ becom<strong>in</strong>g angry.'<br />

Ihave shown that type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> do not allow mental state<br />

<strong>verb</strong>s like ootaj `know'. This is an <strong>in</strong>dication <strong>in</strong> favor of the analysis of<br />

type2 PVCs as exclusively event denot<strong>in</strong>g. Instead, the ma<strong>in</strong> <strong>verb</strong>s<br />

<strong>in</strong> type2 PVCs tend to be prototypical action predicates like ma' `hit',<br />

tzok' `cut', and el `leave', which occur <strong>in</strong> most type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> this<br />

chapter. Moreover, I have shown that predicates like kus `be sad' and<br />

howi `be angry' can occur <strong>in</strong> type2 and <strong>in</strong> type1 PVCs.<br />

3.3.3. Negation. Event denot<strong>in</strong>g complement types generally do<br />

not allow negation as has been shown for English <strong>in</strong> chapter 3. However,<br />

there are some exceptions. If the complement expresses that someone<br />

refra<strong>in</strong>s from do<strong>in</strong>g someth<strong>in</strong>g, i.e. if the NI-PVC <strong>in</strong> example (128-a)<br />

is <strong>in</strong>terpreted as <strong>in</strong> (128-b), then negation is grammatical.<br />

(128) a. John saw Mary not smoke. Higg<strong>in</strong>botham (1983), 111<br />

b. John saw Mary refra<strong>in</strong> from smok<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Another exception is that whenever an implication of failure is given,<br />

then event denot<strong>in</strong>g NI-PVCs can be negated:<br />

(129) Isaw the car not start. Higg<strong>in</strong>botham (1983), 111<br />

Type2 PVCs cannot be marked with aspect. In chapter 4 I have<br />

shown that aspect <strong>in</strong>teracts with negation <strong>in</strong> that for each of the three<br />

tense-aspect pre xes there is a di erent negative marker. Hence, a<br />

clause can only be negated if it has aspect. However, if a clause has<br />

aspect, it does not qualify as a type2 complement. As illustrated, the<br />

type2 PVC <strong>in</strong> (130-a) can only be negated with the negative morpheme<br />

maa <strong>in</strong> (130-b) if perfective aspect is added and the pronom<strong>in</strong>al a x<br />

on the PVC <strong>verb</strong> changes from the set A for type2 to the set B for<br />

type1 PVCs. 13<br />

happen.<br />

13 In addition, there is a cont<strong>in</strong>uation requirement, i.e. someth<strong>in</strong>g else needs to

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