Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

4. CRITERIA FOR THE SEMANTIC CHARACTERIZATION 87
(124) a. I see/know you to be a kind person.
Bolinger (1974), 65
b. I see/know that you are a kind person.
4.6. Summary. Table 7 presents an overview of how each criterion
established at the outset for the semantic characterization of
PVCs, manifests for each PVCtype. The division between event de-
Table 7. Criteria for the semantic characterization of
English PVC types
NI-PVC Ing-PVC PNOM INOM to-PVC that-PVC
Event denoting + + + - - +
Proposition de- - - - + + +
noting
Temporal
simultaneity + + + +/- +/- +/-
Perceptible + + + +/- +/- +/-
Process + + + +/- - +/-
Negation - - - + + +
Sentential adverbs - - - ? - +
be able to - - - + - +
must - - - - - +
noting NI-PVCs, ing-PVCs and PNOMs on the one hand and proposition
denoting INOMs, to-PVCs and that-PVCs on the other becomes
apparent inTable 7.
Only NI-PVCs, ing-PVCs, and PNOMs are restricted to temporal
simultaneity. The observation that NI-PVCs, ing-PVCs, and PNOMs
must take a perceptible process or temporary state predicate and cannot
take predicates referring to enduring states indicates that all three
complement types are unambiguously event denoting. To-PVCs in
active voice constructions are restricted to stative predicates, so that
they cannot denote events. Only that-PVCs accept both perceptible
and imperceptible, and stative aswell as process predicates, which is
taken as evidence that this PVC type has the potential to express both
events and propositions. While the event denoting complements
do not allow sentential negation, the reverse is true for the proposition
denoting complements, i.e. they can be negated. Parallel to
the restrictions on negation, NI-PVCs, ing-PVCs and PNOMs do not
accept sentential adverbs or modal auxiliaries like must and be able to.
Sentential adverbs and modals like must can only modify that-PVCs
while be able to can modify that-PVCs as well as INOMs. Not included