Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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220 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />
the complementizer tol have been analyzed as subjunctive <strong>complements</strong><br />
(SUBs). The case or agreement mark<strong>in</strong>g of these complement types<br />
does not di er from the mark<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>in</strong>dependent sentences. Both take<br />
optional complementizers and allow tense-aspect mark<strong>in</strong>g. This clausal<br />
complementtype allows neither pluralization nor modi cation with determ<strong>in</strong>ers.<br />
Semantically,type1 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> as well as that-PVCs <strong>in</strong><br />
English are proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g. They permit negation and modality<br />
and are unrestricted regard<strong>in</strong>g temporal simultaneity, the perceptibility<br />
of the complement predicate and whether it has to be a state or<br />
a process predicate. Both PVC types can alternatively be embedded<br />
by cognitive <strong>verb</strong>s like <strong>Akatek</strong> ootaj `know' or English know and by<br />
<strong>verb</strong>s of communication like <strong>Akatek</strong> al `say' or English mention as well<br />
as by non-<strong>verb</strong>al predicates like <strong>Akatek</strong> watx' `be good' or English be<br />
a fact.<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
In this chapter, I have presented a description of PVC types <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>Akatek</strong>. As a prerequisite, I <strong>in</strong>vestigated the lexicalization of PVs.<br />
<strong>Akatek</strong> has two basic PVs, il `see' and ab' `hear', which have active<br />
as well as passive <strong>in</strong>terpretations. In conformity with the lexicalization<br />
hierarchy for <strong>verb</strong>s of perception (see chapter 2), ab' `hear' is also used<br />
to cover the lower sense modalities of touch, taste, and smell. Both<br />
il `see' and ab' `hear' extend their mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to the cognitive doma<strong>in</strong>.<br />
This is a precondition for the occurrence of proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g<br />
PVC types <strong>in</strong> a <strong>language</strong>.<br />
<strong>Akatek</strong> has two di erent types of PVC, referred to as type1 and<br />
type2. This con rms part of Hypothesis I: <strong>language</strong>s with a complementation<br />
system use at least two di erent types of PVC. Type1 PVCs<br />
occur <strong>in</strong> two varieties, as INDs or as SUBs, which only di er <strong>in</strong> the<br />
complementizers they take. The structural and semantic description of<br />
type1 and type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> accord<strong>in</strong>g to the criteria established<br />
for the analysis of English PVC types <strong>in</strong> chapter 3 con rmed Hypothesis<br />
II: at least one PVC type is exclusively event denot<strong>in</strong>g, as well as<br />
Hypothesis III: PVC types that are primarily proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g<br />
can under special conditions also be event denot<strong>in</strong>g. These results<br />
con rm the second part of Hypothesis I: one of the two PVCtypes<br />
is used to express events and one to denote propositions. Iwas<br />
also able to con rm Hypothesis IV: the ability tobeembedded by the<br />
matrix predicate `know' dist<strong>in</strong>guishes the exclusively event denot<strong>in</strong>g<br />
PVCs from the primarily proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g ones. As illustrated<br />
<strong>in</strong> Table 16, the proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g type1 PVCs can be embedded