Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

166 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK
Type2 PVCs can also be demoted patient AP constructions. Examples
(80-c), repeated here as (83), and (84) illustrate a demoted
rst (wiin an) and third (yiin te' te') person patient, respectively. As
before, the intransitive AP construction of type2 is marked with set
A pronominal a xes like the active intransitive type2 construction.
As can be seen in the examples, both AP su xes, -wa and -wi, are
acceptable.
(83) x-;-y-il ix Mikin a-ma'-wa/ -wi w-iin an
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A2-hit-AP/ -AP A1-in CL1s
`Micaela saw you hitting me.'
(84) x-;-y-il ix Mikin s-tzok'-wa/ -wi naj winaj
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A3-cut-AP/ -AP NCL man
y-iin te' te'
A3-in NCL rewood
`Micaela saw the man cutting the tree.'
An absolutive AP of the PV il `see' is shown in (85). The perceiver
is the only argument of the verb. The antipassivization of the matrix
PV of a complex construction involving a PVC is ungrammatical, since
the PVC constitutes the direct object of the PV, which in AP constructions
is either completely absent, semi-incorporated, or demoted to an
oblique construction.
(85) x-ach-il-wi el-toj
PERF-B2-see-AP DIR-DIR
`You kept looking out.'
However, the antipassivized PV can take atype3 complement, which
does not occur with active PV:
(86) x-;-'il-wi tzok'-o si' ix Mikin
PERF-B3-see-AP cut-TNF rewood NCL Micaela
`Micaela watched the cutting of the wood.'
Type3 complements lack person marking, and semi-incorporate the
object NP similar to the way this is done in the incorporating AP
construction. Transitive type3 verbs obtain the transitive non- nite
su x -o (TNF) instead of the type2 su x -on, the former direct object
has to occur in the immediate postverbal position and cannot take
any determiners. The former subject is unspeci ed as can be seen in
example (86). Example (87) illustrates that a demoted patient AP
matrix PV cannot take atype2 PVC, which would have to be present