Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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5. CONCLUSION 221<br />
by the matrix predicate ootaj `know', which the event denot<strong>in</strong>g type2<br />
PVCs cannot.<br />
The comparison of type1 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> with that-PVCs <strong>in</strong> English<br />
on the one hand (section 4.4) and of type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> with<br />
PNOMs <strong>in</strong> English on the other (section 3.5) showed a high degree of<br />
similarity regard<strong>in</strong>g the structural and the semantic characterization<br />
of event denot<strong>in</strong>g and proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC types <strong>in</strong> these<br />
two <strong>language</strong>s. In Table 16, the distribution of English and <strong>Akatek</strong><br />
PVC types over the typology of complementation (see chapter 2) is<br />
presented. S<strong>in</strong>ce paratactic PVC types do not occur <strong>in</strong> English or <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>Akatek</strong>, I left them out here, but they are <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the considerations<br />
regard<strong>in</strong>g a typology of PVCs <strong>in</strong> chapter 6. The <strong>Akatek</strong> PVC<br />
types t perfectly <strong>in</strong>to the typological picture developed for English<br />
PVC types <strong>in</strong> chapter 3. The proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g type1 PVC isan<br />
<strong>in</strong>dicative (IND) complement, which can alternatively be embedded by<br />
the matrix predicate ootaj `know', just like the that-PVC <strong>in</strong> English.<br />
In addition, type1 PVCs can also function as SUB <strong>complements</strong> when<br />
tak<strong>in</strong>g the subjunctive complementizer tol. The event denot<strong>in</strong>g type2<br />
PVC does not accept ootaj `know' as a matrix predicate. Type2 PVCs<br />
are nom<strong>in</strong>alized <strong>complements</strong> just like PNOMs <strong>in</strong> English. In Table<br />
16, the possibility of a hierarchy for PVC types rank<strong>in</strong>g from IND over<br />
INF to NMLZ, is apparent. Certa<strong>in</strong> complementtypes may be skipped<br />
as <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong>, or more than one variety of a complement type, e.g. the<br />
three INFs <strong>in</strong> English, can be used. The evidence provided by the anal-<br />
Table 16. English and <strong>Akatek</strong> PVC types and the typology<br />
of complementation<br />
English <strong>Akatek</strong> Semantic Matrix predicate<br />
PVCs PVCs types know/ ootaj<br />
IND that-PVC type1 (tzub'il) proposition (event) +<br />
SUB | type1 (tol) proposition (event) +<br />
INF to-PVC | proposition +<br />
INF NI-PVC | event {<br />
INF <strong>in</strong>g-PVC | event {<br />
NMLZ PNOM type2 event {<br />
yses of English and <strong>Akatek</strong> PVCs as illustrated <strong>in</strong> Table 16 suggests<br />
the follow<strong>in</strong>g hierarchy ofPVCtypes:<br />
(235) IND > SUB > INF > NMLZ<br />
Obviously, the order of the PVC types along the hierarchy is motivated<br />
by their semantics. S<strong>in</strong>ce INF PVCs can denote propositions as well as