Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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200 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />
3.4.8. Summary. As non-perception matrix predicates of type2 <strong>complements</strong><br />
I identi ed aspectual <strong>verb</strong>s, non<strong>verb</strong>al predicates, the auxiliary<br />
un `do', <strong>verb</strong>s of ability, motion <strong>verb</strong>s and CVs. In addition, type2<br />
<strong>complements</strong> occur after the conjunction katu' `and then'.<br />
3.5. Summary. In this section I have provided a detailed description<br />
of type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong>. As can be gathered from Table 11, the<br />
nom<strong>in</strong>al type2 PVC shares most of its structural and all of its semantic<br />
characteristics with the nom<strong>in</strong>al PVC type <strong>in</strong> English, PNOM, which<br />
has been described <strong>in</strong> chapter 3. Structurally, both PVC types lack<br />
Table 11. Structural and semantic characteristics of<br />
<strong>Akatek</strong> type2 PVCs compared to English PNOMs<br />
Type2 PVC PNOM<br />
Complement type NMLZ NMLZ<br />
COMP - -<br />
Case/ AGR: <strong>in</strong>tr A GEN GEN<br />
Case/ AGR: trans A GEN GEN<br />
Case/ AGR: trans P ABS of NP<br />
Tense/ Aspect - -<br />
DET/ PL - +<br />
Passive PVC + +<br />
Passive PV: whole PVC + +<br />
Passive PV: PVC subject + -<br />
Cleft: PVC subject + -<br />
Cleft: PVC object + -<br />
Cleft: PVC + +<br />
Semantic type event event<br />
Temporal simultaneity + +<br />
Perceptible predicates + +<br />
Process predicates + +<br />
Negation - -<br />
Sentential ad<strong>verb</strong>s - -<br />
ske' /be able - -<br />
a complementizer, mark their subjects with the genitive, and do not<br />
admit aspect or tense mark<strong>in</strong>g, while passivization and cleft<strong>in</strong>g of the<br />
whole PVC is grammatical. The two nom<strong>in</strong>alizations di er <strong>in</strong> object<br />
mark<strong>in</strong>g. The <strong>Akatek</strong> type2 PVC marks the object as a core argument<br />
with absolutive agreement, PNOM encodes the logical direct object as<br />
an oblique object <strong>in</strong> the form of a PP with the preposition of. The<br />
second ma<strong>in</strong> structural di erence is that - as opposed to type2 PVCs