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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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4. TYPOLOGY OF PVC SYSTEMS 251<br />

denot<strong>in</strong>g events. A considerable number of complementtypes,<br />

e.g. relative clauses and wh-<strong>complements</strong>, was excluded from<br />

the <strong>in</strong>vestigation <strong>in</strong> the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g. These observations con rm<br />

Hypothesis VI:<br />

(5) Hypothesis VI<br />

The follow<strong>in</strong>g ve complement types of the typology of<br />

complementation, i.e. INDs, SUBs, PARAs, INFs, and<br />

NMLZs can function as PVCs, but PVC types are not<br />

restricted to these ve types.<br />

3. There are n<strong>in</strong>e di erent patterns of proposition (P) and event<br />

(E) denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC types for the 13 <strong>language</strong>s under <strong>in</strong>vestigation<br />

(count<strong>in</strong>g Romance as one as well as Cayuga/ Mohawk). Except<br />

for Japanese, <strong>Akatek</strong> and English, which have two, all <strong>language</strong>s<br />

have only one proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC type. The number<br />

of event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC types with<strong>in</strong> a <strong>language</strong> ranges from<br />

three <strong>in</strong> English over two <strong>in</strong> Japanese, German and Malagasy<br />

to only one for the rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>language</strong>s. However, these results<br />

are highly speculative s<strong>in</strong>ce I cannot be sure that many of these<br />

<strong>language</strong>s have additional PVC types that were not described <strong>in</strong><br />

the sources I consulted. 1<br />

4. Hypothesis I does not apply to Russian, which was shown to<br />

use IND PVCs to denote both events and propositions. I<br />

have not been able to <strong>in</strong>vestigate the role that the complementizer<br />

kak of the event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC type plays <strong>in</strong> Russian,<br />

but <strong>in</strong> other contexts kak means `how'. This would qualify kak-<br />

PVCs not as IND but as wh-<strong>complements</strong>, which were excluded<br />

from the <strong>in</strong>vestigation. However, the complementizer tzub'il of<br />

the proposition denot<strong>in</strong>g PVC type<strong>in</strong><strong>Akatek</strong> also means `how'<br />

when used <strong>in</strong> other contexts. These observations call for detailed<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestigation of the complementizers. Moreover, a number<br />

of the researched <strong>language</strong>s does - to my knowledge - not have<br />

a complementation system <strong>in</strong> the sense of the established typology<br />

of complementation, so that Hypothesis I does not apply to<br />

them. These <strong>language</strong>s are Cambodian, Mohawk, Cayuga, and<br />

Ch<strong>in</strong>ese. Languages of this type require further research.<br />

5. Table 2 <strong>in</strong>dicates a hierarchical order<strong>in</strong>g of PVC types along<br />

the follow<strong>in</strong>g hierarchy, with the rank<strong>in</strong>g of PARA PVCs so far<br />

undecided.<br />

1 For example, <strong>in</strong> Greek there are at least two more complementizers with PVCs<br />

as was noted <strong>in</strong> chapter 6.

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