Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

82 3. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN ENGLISH
b. *I saw the farmer hope for rain.
Higginbotham (1994a), 31
The second requirement regarding the PVC predicate is that events
require some sort of transformation or change over time that can be
observed. Whereas proposition denoting complements can contain
predicates expressing perceptible or imperceptible enduring states, this
is impossible for purely event denoting complement types. For example,
(100-a) expresses a perceptible permanent state in form of a
that-PVC. The same cannot be conveyed via an NI-PVC as shown in
the ungrammaticality of (100-b). An NI-PVC accepts predicates expressing
actions like fall in example (100-c).
(100) a. Isaw that the lamp stood on the table.
b. *I saw the lamp stand on the table.
Akmajian (1977), 440
c. Isaw the lamp fall o the table.
Temporary state predicates with the inherent possibility for transformation
or change can also be event denoting, i.e. occur in NI-PVC,
as shown in examples (101-a) and (101-b).
(101) a. Isaw John stand on the table. Akmajian (1977), 440
b. Isaw John sit in his usual place. Mittwoch (1990), 105
The observation that predicates like be illare ungrammatical with NI-
PVCs and ing-PVCs but grammatical with to- and that-PVCs supports
the analysis that NI-PVCs must be interpretable as events:
(102) a. *I observed John be(ing) ill.
b. I observed John to be ill.
c. I observed that John was ill. Declerck (1981), 87
In turn, predicates of to-PVCs appear to be restricted to stative
situations as for example in (103) and in (104). Unmistakably nonstative
situations cannot be expressed by to-PVCs as can be seen in
examples (105) and (106). 15
(103) Isaw it to produce no bad e ects. (= there were none as a
result) Bolinger (1974), 72
15 In passive constructions, however, to-PVCs accept non-stative situations:
(i) She was seen to make friends with everyone. Bolinger (1974), 73